scholarly journals ‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI SAIDIN ◽  
NUR AMIRA ALFITRI

Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.

Author(s):  
Valentine M. Moghadam

The chapter examines the activities of women’s rights networks and associations in Morocco and Tunisia since the early 1990s, their relations to both transnational feminist networks and the UN’s global women’s rights agenda, the major campaigns and coalitions they have launched or joined, and their contributions to policies, practices, and discourses of democratization in their respective countries. How the women’s rights movements and “modernizing women” were situated in the Arab Spring, the constitutional and societal implications of the demand for women’s full and equal citizenship, and differences with the Islamist discourse will be a focus of the chapter, which draws on secondary sources as well as the author’s visits to the two countries and interviews with participants in the Arab Spring.


Author(s):  
Milica Stanojević

This paper discusses the rights of women prisoners as a special category of persons deprived of the fundamental human right - the right to liberty. The author focuses on women's rights in detention and in the course of serving a prison sentence. The specificities related to the status and treatment of women in conditions of social isolation are primarily attributable to their biological disposition. Quite often, they are pregnant or about to give birth, or already have children, in which case the protection of maternity is of crucial importance, particularly considering the fact that they are away from their home and family. One of the main problems in dealing with women’s rights in general and in the Serbian penitentiary system in particular is the lack of sensitivity to the specific needs and psychology of women. In that context, the author refers to the conclusions of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Tajread Keadan

The aim of this research is to reveal the status and image of Arab women and feminist movement in Israel, as it discusses the reality of citizens of Israel and the extent to which they have access to and enjoy their civil, economic, social and political rights. On the one hand, it also analyses women’s rights from the perspective of a society governed by customs and traditions. This is represented by the authority of the male over the female, because the Arab society is a biased society between males and females to some extent, and on the other hand it demonstrates a comparative view with the international law, agreements and treaties that provided for ensuring the protection of women’s rights. Through this study, the researcher believes that Arab women bear the burdens of submitting themselves to nationalism and the Arab minority on the one hand and the burdens of racial discrimination against Arabs in general and against women in particular. In addition, the local authority responsible for Arab regions and cities bears part of the violations of women’s rights in employment that affect their role in the labor market. This is because it does not carry out its responsibility towards the Arab minority as required, and specifically with regard to securing suitable job opportunities for women, securing public transportation, and suitable places for women with children.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi E. Rademacher

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.


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