scholarly journals A Comparison of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X in the Black and Mainstream Press, 1955-2011

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Daniel Cruden

<p>Most historians of the black protest movement claim that the mainstream media misrepresented Martin Luther King and Malcolm X as opposing figures, without detailing how the media achieved this, how these representations influenced King and Malcolm X’s posthumous media images, or how African-American media representations of the pair differed from mainstream representations. In order to understand how this misrepresentation came to be, and what its implications were for memory of the two after their deaths, this thesis examines the representation of King and Malcolm X in mainstream and African-American newspapers from the beginnings of their public careers until 2011. Newspapers drew on their pre-existing views of American race relations to evaluate the importance of King and Malcolm X. During their lifetimes newspapers selectively conveyed the ideologies of both men, embracing King’s leadership while distrusting Malcolm X. After their deaths, newspapers sanctified King and discussed him extensively, often confining his significance to the battle against legal segregation in the South. Newspapers gave Malcolm X less attention at first, but rehabilitated him later, beginning with African-American newspapers. The failure of the black protest movement to end racial disparities in standards of living, combined with King’s appropriation by the mainstream media, paved the way for much greater attention to Malcolm X by the late 1980s. By this time, newspapers represented King and Malcolm X as politically compatible, but continued to give them distinct personas that still affect public images of African-American leaders, such as Barack Obama, to this day.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Daniel Cruden

<p>Most historians of the black protest movement claim that the mainstream media misrepresented Martin Luther King and Malcolm X as opposing figures, without detailing how the media achieved this, how these representations influenced King and Malcolm X’s posthumous media images, or how African-American media representations of the pair differed from mainstream representations. In order to understand how this misrepresentation came to be, and what its implications were for memory of the two after their deaths, this thesis examines the representation of King and Malcolm X in mainstream and African-American newspapers from the beginnings of their public careers until 2011. Newspapers drew on their pre-existing views of American race relations to evaluate the importance of King and Malcolm X. During their lifetimes newspapers selectively conveyed the ideologies of both men, embracing King’s leadership while distrusting Malcolm X. After their deaths, newspapers sanctified King and discussed him extensively, often confining his significance to the battle against legal segregation in the South. Newspapers gave Malcolm X less attention at first, but rehabilitated him later, beginning with African-American newspapers. The failure of the black protest movement to end racial disparities in standards of living, combined with King’s appropriation by the mainstream media, paved the way for much greater attention to Malcolm X by the late 1980s. By this time, newspapers represented King and Malcolm X as politically compatible, but continued to give them distinct personas that still affect public images of African-American leaders, such as Barack Obama, to this day.</p>


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mírian C. M. Garrido

<p class="texto" align="left">As militâncias brasileiras organizadas no período final da ditadura civil militar apontam líderes estadunidenses como referências e, erroneamente, essa influência foi compreendida, por alguns, como mera cópia do modelo. O presente artigo busca situar as bases históricas em que se formou a militância estadunidense, tomando como exemplo dois ícones desse movimento, Martin Luther King Jr. e Malcolm X, as possibilidades de diálogo entre eles, assim como as trajetórias e as ações de ativistas brasileiros que estiveram envolvidos na atuação do Movimento Negro Unificado. O corpo documental, constituído por entrevistas, biografias, discursos e obras bibliográficas, foi utilizado como meio de acessar as visões de mundo desses indivíduos e os discursos por eles fabricados ou repelidos. Em síntese, amparados no passado histórico e na luta contra o racismo, brasileiros e estadunidenses denunciavam o preterimento social e econômico, ao passo que apontavam os caminhos de reversão dessa realidade. As direções, contudo, eram diversas.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> militantes negros - racismo - transnacional - autoidentificação positiva.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Abstract</strong><strong></strong></p><p class="abstract">The Afro-Brazilian militancy organized in the final period of the Civil-Military Dictatorship, pointed to African American leaders as references, and that influence was wrongly understood by some as a mere copy of their model.. This article seeks to identify in which  historical bases was the African-American militancy formed, taking the example of two icons of this movement (King Jr. and Malcolm X), and the possibilities of dialogue between them and Afro-Brazilians activists, who were engaged with the Unified Black Movement. The documental series is understood as a way of accessing the worldviews of these individuals and the discourses they fabricated or rejected; composed of interviews, biographies, speeches and bibliographical works. In sumy, supported in the historical past and the fight against racism, Brazilian and U.S. activists denounced social and economic postponement as they also pointed to the paths of reversing this reality; the directions, however, were multiple.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Keywords:</strong> afro militants - racism - transnational - positive identification.</p>


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mírian C. M. Garrido

<p class="texto" align="left">As militâncias brasileiras organizadas no período final da ditadura civil militar apontam líderes estadunidenses como referências e, erroneamente, essa influência foi compreendida, por alguns, como mera cópia do modelo. O presente artigo busca situar as bases históricas em que se formou a militância estadunidense, tomando como exemplo dois ícones desse movimento, Martin Luther King Jr. e Malcolm X, as possibilidades de diálogo entre eles, assim como as trajetórias e as ações de ativistas brasileiros que estiveram envolvidos na atuação do Movimento Negro Unificado. O corpo documental, constituído por entrevistas, biografias, discursos e obras bibliográficas, foi utilizado como meio de acessar as visões de mundo desses indivíduos e os discursos por eles fabricados ou repelidos. Em síntese, amparados no passado histórico e na luta contra o racismo, brasileiros e estadunidenses denunciavam o preterimento social e econômico, ao passo que apontavam os caminhos de reversão dessa realidade. As direções, contudo, eram diversas.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> militantes negros - racismo - transnacional - autoidentificação positiva.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Abstract</strong><strong></strong></p><p class="abstract">The Afro-Brazilian militancy organized in the final period of the Civil-Military Dictatorship, pointed to African American leaders as references, and that influence was wrongly understood by some as a mere copy of their model.. This article seeks to identify in which  historical bases was the African-American militancy formed, taking the example of two icons of this movement (King Jr. and Malcolm X), and the possibilities of dialogue between them and Afro-Brazilians activists, who were engaged with the Unified Black Movement. The documental series is understood as a way of accessing the worldviews of these individuals and the discourses they fabricated or rejected; composed of interviews, biographies, speeches and bibliographical works. In sumy, supported in the historical past and the fight against racism, Brazilian and U.S. activists denounced social and economic postponement as they also pointed to the paths of reversing this reality; the directions, however, were multiple.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Keywords:</strong> afro militants - racism - transnational - positive identification.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Sharon Verbeten

The world was a very different place in 1969 when the Coretta Scott King Award was instituted to honor African-American authors. Dr. Martin Luther King had recently been assassinated. And there was no organized group to advocate for We Need Diverse Books.But, thankfully, several librarians and a book publisher came together to establish the CSK Award, which will celebrate its fiftieth anniversary in 2019.


Author(s):  
Stephen Tuck

1968 is commonly seen as the end of the classic era of modern civil rights protest: a year when Martin Luther King Jr. was killed, when violence seemed endemic in urban black communities, when Black Power groups fractured and when candidates opposed to further civil rights legislation made giant strides at the ballot box. 1968 seemed to usher in a decade bereft of major civil rights activity, ahead of a resurgence of conservative politics. And yet a look behind the headlines tells a different story in the post-1968 years at the local level: of increasing civil rights protest, of major gains in the courts and politics and the workplace, of substantial victories by Black Power activists, and calls for new rights by African American groups hitherto unrecognised by civil rights leaders. This chapter argues that in many ways 1968 marked the beginning of a vibrant new phase of race-centred activism, rather than the end, of the modern civil rights movement.


Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck

The chapter reveals the violence associated with the Civil Rights Movement, the courage of African American activists (Martin Luther King, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers) and the small minority of southern white ministers who joined them. In Montgomery, Alabama, Robert Graetz provided taxi service for demonstrators. Andrew Turnipseed paid the salary of James Love, who signed the Mobile bus petition, when his parishioners would not. No southern white minister would participate in freedom rides, but John Morris organized a Freedom Ride after the violence subsided. The group was arrested. Joseph Ellwanger was harassed in Birmingham. Hundreds of black protestors were arrested and tortured. Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote Letter from a Birmingham Jail. Edwin King was arrested and tortured. The Klan and other white supremacist groups flourished. Black activists and some whites were murdered in Mississippi. As Edwin King commented, “Good white people could do nothing in the face of madness.”


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter highlights the national outpouring of grief and anger over the death of Heather Heyer. It discloses how Heyer's ashes were buried in a secret location in order to protect the grave from desecration by neo-Nazis. It also mentions the placement of Heather Heyer's name on a memorial wall at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Alabama that honors martyrs of the civil rights movement. The chapter recalls Martin Luther King Jr. and his civil rights organization that staged demonstrations in Alabama and Jimmy Lee Jackson, an African American participant in the protest demonstrations, who was fatally shot by a white Alabama state trooper. It reviews the infamous “Bloody Sunday” on March 7, 1965 that was stimulated by Jackson's shooting.


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