scholarly journals Public Diplomacy and Its Functions in the Regional Governance of China and Southeast Asia

Author(s):  
Zhao Yonglun ◽  
Zhang Yinsong
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Otabek Alimardonov ◽  

Today, Malaysia is one of the most developed countries in Southeast Asia and a close partner of Uzbekistan in the region. Taking into account the peculiarities of the development and achievements of the countries of Southeast Asia, the Government of Uzbekistan from the first years of independence has paid special attention to the establishment and development of cooperation with Malaysia


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield ◽  
Gary Marks ◽  
Liesbet Hooghe

In this article we set out a fine-grained measure of the formal authority of intermediate subnational government for Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand that is designed to be a flexible tool in the hands of researchers and policymakers. It improves on prior measures by providing annual estimates across ten dimensions of regional authority; it disaggregates to the level of the individual region; and it examines individual regional tiers, asymmetric regions, and regions with special arrangements. We use the measure and its elements to summarize six decades of regional governance in Southeast Asia and conclude by noting how the Regional Authority index could further the dialogue between theory and empirics in the study of decentralization and democratization.


Asian Survey ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 58 (5) ◽  
pp. 920-941
Author(s):  
Danita Catherine Burke ◽  
André Saramago

Singapore is expert at using education as a means of projecting soft power internationally. For years, it has offered free and subsidized education opportunities in Southeast Asia, and now, with its interests in the Arctic, it is offering education opportunities to indigenous peoples as a way to involve itself in regional governance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 62-104
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh

This chapter discusses America’s “contemporary” roles in Southeast Asia. It examines the Obama and Trump administrations’ policies and actions in the region, and considers three categories of the US footprint at present: commerce, security, and soft power/public diplomacy. For Southeast Asia, the United States continues to be an important guarantor of regional security and stability—but its commercial contributions and soft power appeal are also strong attractive features. If America has a pronounced weakness in the region it is in the area of diplomatic engagement. This is not new—as the strategic and economic importance of Northeast Asia and the “tyranny of distance” to Southeast Asia have long conspired to limit Washington’s attention span. The Obama administration was the exception to the rule, as it prioritized ASEAN as never before. The Trump administration does seem to have relatively downgraded the region when compared with the Obama years. Still, this has been a relative downgrading—and, if anything, a return to the more traditional pattern of episodic US (in)attention.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorraine Elliott

Most studies of regionalism in Southeast Asia pay little attention to environmental concerns as part of the region's empirical dynamic. In contrast, this article examines the ways in which governments have come to “govern” environmental issues at a regional scale under the auspices of ASEAN, against the backdrop of debates about the political topography of Southeast Asian regionalism. The framework adopted here brings together analyses of the public space of formal regional governance arrangements, the inter-subjective space of regional identity building, and the private space of regional social practices. Underpinning this is the question of whether moves to supposedly “flatter” forms of regional governance have been accompanied by for more democratic or participatory forms of regionalism. I conclude that regional environmental structures under ASEAN are more akin to “invited spaces” and have generally failed to offer effective channels of communication for, or democratic representation of, a wider range of stakeholders, including civil society groups and local communities.


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