Portfolio Reform in Los Angeles: Successes and Challenges in School District Implementation

Author(s):  
Susan Bush-Mecenas ◽  
Julie A. Marsh ◽  
Katharine O. Strunk
2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-151
Author(s):  
Mark R. Warren

Chapter 5 documents the ways organizing groups have confronted a vast school district and militarized system of police control in Los Angeles. It features the role of Black and Brown parents in CADRE as key leaders. These parents won the first district-wide breakthrough against zero tolerance discipline approaches in the country when they got the LA Unified School District to adopt schoolwide positive behavioral supports in 2006. The movement “nationalized” this local victory, inspiring groups across the country to launch campaigns against zero tolerance. The chapter also highlights the youth-organizing work of the Labor Community Strategy Center to end police ticketing of students, one of the pioneering efforts to address policing in the school-to-prison pipeline movement. It examines the Youth Justice Coalition and its Free LA High School that supports young people returning from the juvenile justice system and attempts to create a model for police-free schools based upon transformative justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bruno ◽  
Katharine O. Strunk

Many schools and districts have considerable discretion when hiring teachers, yet little is known about how that discretion should be used. Using data from a new teacher screening system in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), we find that performance during screening, and especially performance on specific screening assessments, is significantly and meaningfully predictive of hired teachers’ evaluation outcomes, contributions to student achievement, attendance, and mobility. However, applicants’ performance on individual components of the screening process are differentially predictive of different teacher outcomes, highlighting challenges and potential trade-offs faced by districts during screening.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 1009-1018
Author(s):  
Marsden G. Wagner ◽  
Lowell S. Levin ◽  
Marian H. Heller

IN 1965 an in-depth study of school physicians in Los Angeles was undertaken The object of this study was to describe personal and professional characteristics of Los Angeles City School physicians and to relate these characteristics to various aspects of physician performance in the school health program. This report presents findings on a cluster of attitudes which, in association, may describe the school physician's satisfaction with his work. Job satisfaction has to do with the environment which surrounds the doing of the job. The assumption is often given that poor job attitudes would serve to reduce the effectiveness of the physician or in some degree restrict his functions. While on the face of it this seems to be a plausible position, questions may be raised with regard to what a state of satisfaction obscures in a work setting. It is possible that there are situations where satisfaction is a totally inappropriate response. For example, satisfaction with brief routine health examinations may actually represent a measure of a physician's settling for less than effective case finding procedures. An analysis of job satisfaction data provides a basis for such speculation, which, in turn, is believed to have direct implications for policies related to pediatric education, the employment of school physicians, and utilization of school physicians. STUDY SETTING The Los Angeles City Unified School District, the second largest school district in the United States, served a population of 3,324,390 in 1965. The schools contained 364,657 elementary pupils and 254,311 secondary pupils (618,968 total kindergarten through twelfth grade).


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