Medicalization and Securitization of the Administrative-Public Sphere in the Conditions of the Pandemic in Russia and Germany

Against the background of the widespread introduction of a wide range of social and medical measures to protect the health of citizens in order to prevent the spread of the new coronavirus infection COVID-19, attention is drawn to the growing socio-political trend of medicalization of the entire administrative and public sphere. It is reflected in the increasingly clear "securitization" of many parts of public power, which is reflected in the ongoing redistribution and transformation of police powers. A number of world governments are taking actions to combat the pandemic, from imposing responsibility for poor compliance with the introduced antiepidemiological restrictions to developing a vaccine and conducting mass vaccinations, as a result of which lawmaking is actively pursued. In the extraordinary conditions in Russia, as in other countries of the world, the most effective measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 infection and overcome its consequences were in demand - measures of administrative coercion. The state actively uses the entire arsenal of legal means, including measures of administrative prevention, administrative procedural support and administrative punishment. In the article, the authors analyzed the administrative and legal norms of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany, aimed at preventing the import and spread of a new corona virus infection (COVID-19). The trends in the expansion of the scale of administrative and police control, the influence of the state on changing the standards of behavior of citizens and the lifestyle of the population, and the movement of significant segments of crime into cyberspace are illustrated. Comprehension of the latest domestic and foreign experience, forms and methods of police-legal influence in order to reflect the danger, confirms the high relevance and important theoretical significance of the study. The authors conclude that at present both for Russia and for Germany the issues of redistribution and transformation of police powers in the administrative-public sphere of any state, reflecting the processes of medicalization and securitization of various links and sectors of public power in response to existential threats, are relevant and promising. directions of scientific research.

Challenging Criminalization in Los Angeles

Chapter 5 documents the ways organizing groups have confronted a vast school district and militarized system of police control in Los Angeles. It features the role of Black and Brown parents in CADRE as key leaders. These parents won the first district-wide breakthrough against zero tolerance discipline approaches in the country when they got the LA Unified School District to adopt schoolwide positive behavioral supports in 2006. The movement “nationalized” this local victory, inspiring groups across the country to launch campaigns against zero tolerance. The chapter also highlights the youth-organizing work of the Labor Community Strategy Center to end police ticketing of students, one of the pioneering efforts to address policing in the school-to-prison pipeline movement. It examines the Youth Justice Coalition and its Free LA High School that supports young people returning from the juvenile justice system and attempts to create a model for police-free schools based upon transformative justice.

The Police law within the system of administrative law.

Issues of police control and involvement are of great essence when aspects of administrative law are revealed. The issue here is that there is no way or instances where the legitimate protection of individual rights and freedom can be guaranteed without the presence of the police in ensuring that rights are protected through the respect of the rule of law. The only way this protection can be maintained is only through the operation or application of administrative law. When dealing with the concept of police law, emphasis is laid on the responsibilities this law enforcement agencies have when dealing with matters related to state security, protection of individual living in a given society, and to a certain extent, the entire public. There is no doubt that it is the role of the police to maintain peace and security within a given society, but the question we should be posing is whether their functions performed are done within the confines of respecting fundamental human rights, following the due process of the law being the fundamental and imperative basis or essence of administrative law. One thing is to ensure security, and the other one is to ensure that when enforcing this security, fundamental freedoms and rights of individuals will be respected by the supposed called law enforcement officers. It is therefore in this light that one can say, without any questioning, that under no circumstances should police law function without the intervention of administrative law, both most compliment each other, and activities of the police must be done in strict respect and compliance with that of administrative law.

Public fear of protesters and support for protest policing: An experimental study

As protests erupted across the United States in recent years over politically polarized issues (e.g., Black Lives Matter, COVID-19 restrictions), so too did questions about when and how police should respond. The context of these protests and how police reacted to them varied substantially, with limited understanding of relevant public attitudes. Public opinion is double-edged; it is critical for police legitimacy and influences criminal justice policy, but it also often reflects racial animus. We hypothesized that disruptive, dangerous, or unlawful protest tactics would increase support for police control, by elevating public fear, but also that support for repression would be higher when protest goals conflict with preexisting racial beliefs. To test our hypotheses, we embedded an experiment in a nationwide survey fielded in 2020, after George Floyd’s killing sparked the broadest protests in U.S. history. We randomized protest tactics (e.g., weapon carrying, violence) and goals, as well as other contextual characteristics (e.g., protest size). We found that the public generally opposed repressive protest policing. However, certain protest tactics increased support for repression by increasing public fear. Protest goals (e.g., pro-Black Lives Matter, anti-COVID-19 restrictions, or pro-confederate monuments) also impacted support for repression, but the effect depended on respondents’ racial beliefs.

Technology as Terrorism: Police Control Technologies and Drone Warfare

Debates about terrorism and technology often focus on the potential uses of technology by non-state terrorist actors and by states as forms of counterterrorism. Yet, little has been written about how technology shapes how we think about terrorism. In this Chapter I argue that technology, and the language we use to talk about technology, constrains and shapes our moral understanding of the nature, scope, and impact of terrorism, particularly in relation to state terrorism. After exploring the ways in which technology shapes moral thinking, I use two case studies to demonstrate how technology simultaneously hides and enables terrorist forms of state violence: police control technologies and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), or drones. In both these cases, I argue that features of these technologies, combined with a narrative of precision and efficiency, masks the terrorist nature of the violence that these practices inflict and reinforces the moral exclusion of those against whom these technologies are deployed. In conclusion, I propose that identifying acts of terrorism requires a focus on the impact of technologies of violence (whether they are “high tech” or not) on those most affected, regardless of whether users of these technologies conceive of their actions as terrorist.

POLICE CONTROL OVER THE TECHNICAL CONDITION OF VEHICLES

The article is devoted to the study of state control over the technical condition of vehicles in Ukraine. The analysis of road accidents caused by operation of technically defective vehicles is carried out. It is stated that the fleet of vehicles in Ukraine is dynamically increasing, and the average age of cars is 22.4 years, which leads to the introduction of effective mechanisms to control their technical condition. It is determined that the subject of state control of the technical condition of vehicles is the state represented by the National Police of Ukraine. The basic principles of state control in the field of road safety are described. It is proved that the function of state control over the technical condition of vehicles by the National Police of Ukraine is implemented through inspections of the subjects of mandatory technical control and control of the technical condition of vehicles during their operation. An analysis of the administrative and jurisdictional powers of the National Police of Ukraine units in relation to persons who drive technically defective vehicles and economic entities authorized to carry out mandatory technical control. An effective mechanism for police control of the technical condition of vehicles during their operation, the procedure for issuing instructions, accounting and lifting the ban on the operation of vehicles by the Unified Information System of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. The necessity of introducing a ban on the operation of a vehicle by a police officer as a measure to ensure proceedings in cases of administrative offenses and the establishment of administrative liability for violations by drivers of the ban on the operation of vehicles, issued by the competent authorities. Authorize the employees of the National Police of Ukraine for decision-making on the prohibition of vehicles in cases provided by law by issuing an appropriate provision. Install administrative responsibility for violation of drivers of prohibition of vehicles made by the competent authorities.

Implementation of K-Means Clustering and Weighted Products in Determining Crime-Prone Locations

Clustering algorithms can be used to build geographic mapping systems to determine crime-prone locations. This study aims to establish a geographical mapping system to determine crime-prone locations that can help police control certain locations that often occur crime and provide information to people in crime-prone locations. Criminal groups are calculated based on crime data from November 2018 to October 2019 which occurred in 9 districts in Kudus Regency. The crime grouping process uses the k-means method used to classify based on regional vulnerability and uses a weighted product method that functions as a vulnerability ranking that is vulnerable to crime selection. The grouping results obtained from this study are that there are 1 very vulnerable area, 5 areas in the vulnerable category, and 3 safe areas. While the weighted product method produces Melatilor area as a vulnerable area to be defeated by a score of 0.182093. This research provides benefits for the public to see crime-prone areas so that they can be more vigilant, while for the police to analyze crime so as to speed up the process of resolving crime and increase and improve crime prevention measures.

Law in action: Local-level prostitution policies and practices and their effects on sex workers

This article comparatively analyses city-based prostitution policies and practices and their effects on sex workers in countries that have adopted a partial criminalization model of intervention towards prostitution – Belgium and Italy. The two case studies selected for this research – the cities of Antwerp (Belgium) and Catania (Italy) – were chosen for their adopted local approach towards prostitution in designated red-light districts (RLDs): whereas prostitution has been collaboratively governed in Antwerp, it has simply been tolerated in Catania. By considering the factors that have led to the development of prostitution policies and practices in these two cities, and their characteristics both within and outside the two cities’ RLDs, this article compares and analyses the effects produced on sex workers across city areas. The study revealed a number of similarities between the two local cases considered: local practices towards sex work in both cities have been shaped by urban regeneration in RLDs, and by concerns about nuisance and crime across city areas (irregular immigration and trafficking, in particular); in all instances, they have had similar exclusionary effects on sex workers – and especially on the migrant women among them. The study also identified two key differences in the practices towards prostitution adopted in these two cities: they differed in the level of access to support services offered to sex workers and in the pervasiveness of proactive police control. The article concludes by arguing that all these local practices – including the ones that are seemingly different – ultimately converge in their ethos: they reinforce the socially constructed status of migrant sex workers as either law-breakers or trafficked victims to be subject to control and, in the latter case, also protection.

INTERACTIONAL RESISTANCE DURING BLACK LIVES MATTER PROTESTS: THE POLITICAL STAKES OF REBELLING AGAINST THE PUBLIC ORDER*

Drawing from ethnographic research, this study examines how interactions between protesters and police unfold at Black Lives Matter demonstrations in two cities with distinct policing regimes. From an analysis of contentious moments during these local movement protests, I argue that protesters in both cities consciously resist the terms of engagement set by police in an effort to demonstrate their overarching opposition to police violence and racism, and to illustrate that communities can police themselves while also seeking to avoid arrest or police violence. I call this protesters’ “interactional resistance” This type of resistance is predicated on protesters pushing the boundaries of the rules of engagement with the police while using their structural knowledge of the situation and likely police responses. Interactional resistance bolsters claims by local Black Lives Matters protest movements that communities can be self-policing. In contrast with prior research on policing of protests, a focus on interactional resistance emphasizes the actions and decisions of protesters, not just the police. It also shows how protesters manage to enact resistance even when they are trying to avoid arrest. Further, I also show that police responses to the same level of transgression vary depending on the local police-control norms practiced in a specific place. Overall, these microinteractions both point to and shape the structures of repression.

Smart Traffic Accident Monitoring System

A system which detects the occurrence of accidents and informs the respective units responsible is designed. When a vehicle meets an accident then the sensors installed in the vehicle detect the accident and inform the medical unit, police control as well as family members by sending an alert message to the fire station (in case if the vehicle catches fire during the accident). To avoid accidents due to collision in winters because of FOG, ultrasonic sensors to detect the nearby objects and produce sound if it gets too close are used. Vibration sensor installed will detect the changes in vibration and if it is above threshold which means an accident occurred and it will notify the respective units. The alert message contains accident location coordinates obtained by the GPS module which was sent to respective units through the GSM module. Designed system is fully automated therefore it would get the exact location coordinates of the accident spot