Event structure: Taxonomy, semantic roles, aspect, causation

2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 196-202
Author(s):  
E. Paducheva
2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 245-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan G. van Voorst

Abstract This article discusses the value of thematic roles for the description of phenomena of grammar. Notions like agent, patient, etc. do not have any explanatory value in the grammar. For instance, there is no relationship between the middle, subject selection in English and the impersonal passive in Dutch and these roles. This makes it impossible for the language learner to distil them from the grammatical system. The notion of Event Structure creates a more explanatory link between the grammar and semantics. This notion explains the functioning of impersonal passive in Dutch. It is notions like this one that should play a principal role in a more explanatory semantic theory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 143 ◽  
pp. 103-118
Author(s):  
Piotr Bartelik

Der Beitrag fokussiert auf die Ereignis- und Argument-Struktur in polnischen Formen mit mieć und Partizipien der ein- und dreistelligen Verben. In der bisherigen Forschung wurde die Herausbildung derartiger „neuer“ Tempus- und ggf. Diathese-Formen im Kontext diverser grammatischer Parameter entweder postuliert oder entscheidend in Frage gestellt. Die hier vorgeschlagene Herangehensweise baut zum einen auf rollensemantischen und ereignisstrukturellen Theorien der Dekomposition auf, zum anderen werden anschließend die anscheinend konstruktionstypischen Ambiguitäten erwogen. On the event and argument structure of one- and three-place verbs in Polish preterite tense forms vs. “new” periphrastic forms with miećThis paper aims at analyzing the argument and event structure of the constructions with the verb mieć and partially reanalyzed participles, which are described as the “new perfect” in contemporary Polish. These forms are most frequently analyzed in terms of transitivity, aspect and other overt grammatical criteria so that the limits of their grammatical analysis seem to be reached. This paper offers a model that is oriented on the decomposition concepts event and argument structure, concepts of generalized semantic roles and that accordingly allows to evaluate the elaborated limits of grammatical analysis.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayden Ziegler ◽  
Giulia Bencini ◽  
Adele Eva Goldberg ◽  
Jesse Snedeker

In 1990, Bock and Loebell found that passives (e.g., The 747 was radioed by the airport’s control tower) can be primed by intransitive locatives (e.g., The 747 was landing by the airport’s control tower). This finding is often taken as strong evidence that structural priming occurs on the basis of a syntactic phrase structure that abstracts across lexical content, including prepositions, and is uninfluenced by the semantic roles of the arguments. However, all of the intransitive locative primes in Bock and Loebell contained the preposition by (by-locatives), just like the passive targets. Therefore, the locative-to-passive priming may have been due to the adjunct headed by by, rather than being a result of purely abstract syntax. The present experiment investigates this possibility. We find that passives and intransitive by-locatives are equivalent primes, but intransitive locatives with other prepositions (e.g., The 747 has landed near the airport control tower) do not prime passives. We conclude that a shared abstract, content-less tree structure is not sufficient for passive priming to occur. We then review the prior results that have been offered in favor of abstract tree priming, and note the range of evidence can be considerably narrowed—and possibly eliminated—once effects of animacy, semantic event structure, shared morphology, information structure, and rhythm are taken into account.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Llewyn E. Paine ◽  
David L. Gilden

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Rosenberg

This study addresses agentive nominal compounds in French and Swedish containing N and V constituents. French has only one such compound, VN, whereas Swedish has at least four, NV-are, NV-a, NV and VN. The study explores the semantic characteristics of their constituents and their semantic structures. Formal aspects are also considered within a lexeme-based morphology. The analysis shows that, although French and Swedish compounds differ formally, they share more or less the same semantics. Their V constituent takes one or more arguments, and their N constituents display several semantic roles. Semantically, the compounds generally denote an Actor of verbs taking two arguments, and the N constituents denote an Undergoer, except in Swedish VN compounds, which denote an entity which fills the same role as that of the N constituent, generally an Actor. Non argumental interpretations, such as Place or Event, are less frequent. In conclusion, the study can have typological value for the semantics of agentive nominal compounds.1


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