scholarly journals Does it matter if the President isn't pious? White Evangelicals and elite religiosity in the Trump era

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Thompson

Trump’s unwavering support among White Evangelicals - among whom many believe that Trump was also ordained by God - seems a contradiction considering his seeming irreligiosity and well publicized moral transgressions. To explain this contradiction, I use data from the American Trends Panel (ATP) to test whether White Evangelicals exhibit strong preferences for elite religiosity, and whether they evaluate Trump as being particularly religious. I find that White Evangelicals exhibit strong, generalized preferences for elite religiosity. However, when it comes to specific evaluations of Trump, White Evangelicals appear to be largely indifferent to whether or not Trump is religious. I also find that White Evangelicals who encounter threats to their religious identities are especially likely to believe that Trump was ordained by God to be President. Therefore, one explanation for this seeming indifference is Trump’s ability to speak to White Evangelicals who feel as though their beliefs are becoming marginalized in an increasingly religiously plural America. These findings demonstrate that Trump is a unique case when it comes to the effects of religiosity identity on elite evaluations, and provide a new vantage point for understanding why so many White Evangelicals support Trump despite the fact they are indifferent to his irreligiosity.

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin C. Cassese

White evangelicals–both men and women–are a mainstay of the Republican Party. What accounts for their ongoing loyalty, particularly when Republican candidates and leaders fail to embody closely held moral standards around sexual monogamy and propriety, as Donald Trump did in 2016? To answer this question, I draw on research about social sorting and polarization, as well as gender and religion gaps in public opinion, to theorize about the nature of the cross-pressures partisans may experience as a result of the religious and gender identifications they hold. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, I evaluate whether cross-cutting identities have a moderating effect on partisans’ thinking about gender issues, their evaluations of the presidential candidates, and their relationship to the parties. I find only modest evidence that gender and evangelical identification impact political thinking among white Republicans, including their reactions to the Access Hollywood tape. Other groups, however, experienced more significant cross-pressures in 2016. Both evangelical Democrats and secular Republicans reported less polarized affective reactions to the presidential candidates and the parties. The results highlight the contingent role that gender and religious identities play in the United States’ highly polarized political climate.


1949 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Behrend ◽  
Albert Behrend

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iris L. Žeželj ◽  
Biljana R. Jokić

Eyal, Liberman, and Trope (2008) established that people judged moral transgressions more harshly and virtuous acts more positively when the acts were psychologically distant than close. In a series of conceptual and direct replications, Gong and Medin (2012) came to the opposite conclusion. Attempting to resolve these inconsistencies, we conducted four high-powered replication studies in which we varied temporal distance (Studies 1 and 3), social distance (Study 2) or construal level (Study 4), and registered their impact on moral judgment. We found no systematic effect of temporal distance, the effect of social distance consistent with Eyal et al., and the reversed effect of direct construal level manipulation, consistent with Gong and Medin. Possible explanations for the incompatible results are discussed.


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