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2022 ◽  
pp. 434-457
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Hughes Karnes ◽  
Holly Hansen-Thomas

This chapter explores rural teacher attitudes towards emergent bilinguals at the secondary level before, during, and after translanguaging professional development. Within the current political climate, accountability measures and assessment training affect teacher perceptions of second language acquisition and add to the deficit perspective. Juxtaposed with the accountability climate are the benefits of rurality and teachers who value the funds of knowledge these linguistically and culturally diverse students possess. Through a mixed methods study using qualitative and quantitative survey data, the authors examined the effects of translanguaging pedagogy on an English-only school district. The translanguaging strategies used in English language arts and reading classrooms showed potential to improve standardized English assessment scores by shifting the monolingual ideology of the teacher participants to a multilingual stance. The results of this study could revise current perceptions and pedagogy for emergent bilinguals.


2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Vladimir Porus ◽  
Valentin Bazhanov

The goal of the article to assess and comprehend the legitimacy, advantages, and disadvantages of the idea of “post-normal” and “citizen science”, the problem of treating science as a political actor, as well as the potential “democratization” of contemporary science. The nature and epistemological status of “post-normal” and “citizen” science, their place, and potential role in political decision-making in situations of significant uncertainty of the future (which is especially characteristic of ecology) discussed. We are prone to emphasize the importance of the traditional criteria of rationality, dominant among scientists working under the milieu of the norms and principles of “normal” science. Despite the transdisciplinary nature of the problems and the format of decision-making that are at the core of post-normal science. Nevertheless, the political subjectivity of modern science far from being full-fledged. Science does not participate in politics in an independent actor acting on the same plane and on a par with other political actors (parties or other political structures). The acquisition by the science of the status of a political subject or the loss of such largely depends on the nature of the political climate of the society. Political subjectivity is an imitative political atmosphere that cannot be the immediate goal and value of science. Aspiration for political subjectivity as a norm for post-normal science implies a radical change in its “self-consciousness”, socio-cultural status, and thus, increasing its political weight. However, this aspiration has any reasonable theoretical and practical sense only as an integral part of the movement towards true civil society and democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rongina Narzary

Mohsin Hamid, one of the powerful voices to emerge from Pakistan engages with themes that go beyond the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 and portrays contemporary issues relevant to Pakistan. In the process, Hamid consciously performs the role of the mediator and attempts to explain his country to the readers. In his two novels, Moth Smoke and The Reluctant Fundamentalist Hamid not only represents modern-day Pakistan but also offer resistance to the association of Pakistan with terrorism thereby replicating the postcolonial tendency to “write back” and reclaim one’s identity. Furthermore, he offers a nuanced understanding of the hostilities that prevail between India and Pakistan. Fictional representations of Islam and Muslim identities by writers of Pakistani origin have received increased attention, especially in the post 9/11 political climate with its attendant reductive representations of Islamic fundamentalism. The ‘war on terror’ which has had the effect of equating Islam and Muslims with terrorism has become a dominant political narrative in Europe and the US over the last decade. It is such diffused representation of Muslim identity which has evoked criticism in the ‘orient’ and Hamid shines bright in this regard.


Author(s):  
Shana Bridges

Prior political turmoil in the United States constituted a precarious foundation for living and teaching through a pandemic. In this essay, I contend that pandemic separation and ideological distortion have exacerbated polarization and distrust. I also consider the pedagogical implications of rising extremist discourses and conspiratorial thinking for both students and faculty. Educators must pay attention to the rising threat of extremism and consider that our students may be susceptible to radical antidemocratic ideologies as well. To conclude, I provide examples from some of my classes in the communication discipline to illustrate my approach to teaching the complicated intersections of rhetoric and reality in today’s polarized political climate.


Author(s):  
Natalya A. Razlivinskaya ◽  
Irina V. Tivyaeva

The paper focuses on the potential of urban communicative space to transmit basic ideology paradigm and values of the current political regime in the course of interaction with city residents. Commemoration is regarded as one the key entities involved in transmitting ideologically charged information. The phenomenon of commemoration is understood as a collection of public practices aimed at creating government-approved values and behavioral models via regular reproduction schemes implemented on the basis of perception of past recognized in the society. The goal of the research was to examine verbalization of commemoration in urban space with regard to the historical-political context. The empirical basis of the study includes a corpus of commemorative texts collected by the authors. Commemorative texts were extracted from the open data portal developed and supported by the Government of Moscow. The total number of records registered in the corpus amounted to over 1700. The language data were processed via the AntConc software that allows obtaining information about word frequency and the contexts in which the relevant word occurs. In the next step conclusions about topical and conceptual dominants of commemorative texts were made. Further investigation allowed describing the structural scheme of commemorative texts, determining its zero variability in different temporal periods, identifying an obligatory structural element that displayed sensitiveness to political climate and specifying key discourse strategies correlated with the ideological paradigm of the current political regime.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Lere Adeyemi

Yorùbá literary critics such as Olabimtan (1974a), Fo ̣ lọ runs ̣ ọ (1998), among ̣ others, have classified D. A. Obasá as a unique colonial poet whose poems ̣ were committed to the promotion of Yorùbá cultural heritage. Tus, a lot of critical works that exist on Obasa’s poems largely concentrate on the cultural ̣ and the philosophical dimensions with little or no focus on the socio-political commitment of the poet. The objective of this study therefore, was to examine the socio-political commitment of Obasa and his poetic utterances. The research methodology is descriptive. It is a corpus study or content analysis of the poetry books. Poems that are relevant to socio-political issues in the three books (Ìwé Kinni Awon Akéwì, ̣ Ìwé Kejì Awon Akéwì and ̣ Ìwé Kéta ̣ Àwoṇ Akéwì) were analyzed within the theory of Nativism. The major findings of the study were that: the selected poems have diverse socio-political themes as related to traditional politics, colonial politics, Yorùbá civil wars, first world war, migration and the need to remember one’s home or country; some of the poems were used as viable tool for political education; while others were essentially to ignite political consciousness in the readers. The paper concluded that Obasá was a committed poet who used his poetic utterances to disseminate, analyze, and educate the readers on the socio-political climate of colonial days. His non-violence ideological position in resolving socio-political issues is in consonance with the theory of Nativism and it is recommended for modern Yorùbá society and other African societies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 485
Author(s):  
Jessica K. Gill

This paper employs a descriptive case study method to analyze and critically review the emergence of the provincial poverty reduction strategy in Ontario, Canada which was implemented in 2008 and renewed in 2014. The purpose of this study is two-fold: first, it defines the principles of neoliberalism and explores the historical growth of neoliberal thought in Canada, and specifically within Ontario, beginning in the 1980s to the present-day. Drawing on a combination of primary, secondary and grey literature, this paper discusses the ways in which neoliberal ideologies and rhetoric became deeply rooted in political thought and discourse within the province. Employing a critical theory framework, the paper highlights the contrasting ways in which neoliberal values were adopted by the different political parties in power and the detrimental impact this espousal had on individuals living in poverty within Ontario. Second, the paper illustrates the powerful ways in which anti-poverty grassroots movements and social advocacy groups assembled to push for the creation of a provincial poverty reduction strategy. The analysis ends with a critique of the neoliberal influences on the strategy’s recommendations and the future outlook of the poverty reduction strategy based on the current political climate within the province.


Author(s):  
Eleanor Catherine Slater

Within the unstable sphere of 1950s Cold War political tensions, American women became the 'bastion of safety in an insecure world' (Tyler May 2008: p.9). For politicians such as Richard Nixon, women's loyalty to the home served as a commitment to America, negotiating a settlement which secured women within the confinements of domestic duties. This ideal, advertised through compelling magazine articles, manipulatively enabled a universal identity for women based within the home. Pages packed with the latest consumer products and laced with 'smooth artificiality... cool glamour, and the apple-pie happy domesticity' (Bronfen 2004: p.115) birthed a rich propaganda for domestic containment. Examining the political climate of Cold War America through the lens of domestic containment, this article argues that American poet Sylvia Plath tackled the illusions of consumerism to fuel her writing, challenging outright gender inequality which defined the nation.Using Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique alongside genuine articles from the era, this article assesses the ideological conflict of the 1950s domesticated woman against Plath's personal battle between writing and domestic life. Through her raw depictions of realism in literature and intense poetry, it becomes impossible to 'contain' Plath, not only within the domestic sphere, but in her own writing.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019372352110671
Author(s):  
Connor Penfold ◽  
Jamie Cleland

This article explores the views of 906 football fans (96% of whom selfidentified as White), collected via an online survey from May-June 2019, regarding the impact of the leading equality and inclusion organization, Kick It Out, in delivering initiatives to challenge the multifaceted expressions of racism by some White English football fans. Whilst fans recognize the importance of raising awareness of racial discrimination, nearly three quarters of White fans do not engage with any Kick It Out initiatives. In the face of new challenges, including the largely unregulated space of social media, and a socio-political climate that has facilitated the resurgence of overtly expressed bigoted, colour and cultural-based racisms, the article stresses that the English football authorities must support the work of anti-racism organizations to increase their potency amongst White fans if racial discrimination is to be more effectively challenged in the future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ao Zhou

<p>Labour NGOs operating in mainland China have played the role of de facto representatives of rural migrant workers since their emergence in the 1990s. After their rapid development for almost two decades, the introduction of the Overseas NGOs Management Law in 2017 restricted all foreign sponsors of labour NGOs, which were their main funding source. This has greatly influenced their goals and strategic choices when representing migrant workers. However, due to increased political sensitivity, few studies have explored the current challenges they face since the law was implemented. This study identifies both the pre-2017 and post-2017 goals and strategies of labour NGOs operating in Beijing, Tianjin and Yunnan Province. It also analyses six factors affecting the NGOs’ goals and strategic choices after 2017. A case study research method is used to draw on 15 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with the founders, managers and staff working in 10 different labour NGOs in the three regions. The research results challenge the applicability of four main social movement theories learnt from the west – Resource Mobilisation (RM), Political Opportunity (PO), Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) and Stakeholder theory – to explain Chinese grassroots labour movements conducted by labour NGOs. The results also show that labour NGOs are experiencing a significant decline after the introduction of the Overseas NGOs Management Law, but have not withdrawn from the historical stage. Many NGOs are adjusting their goals and strategies to adapt to the changed political climate and survive. Finally, this study advocates the development of a new social movement theory which could accurately guide grassroots labour movements in the context of China.</p>


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