scholarly journals Hybrid Wars and Conflict Management Experience on the Example of Democratic Republic of the Congo

Author(s):  
Yurii Oliinyk

The article is devoted to the issue of hybrid warfare and the experience of postwar management on the example of Democratic Republic of the Congo.It is revealed the weakness of the state that is not able to control the territory, the risks of democratic transformation and the influence of external forces. The author examines the tools of the hybrid war, analyzes the current situation in the country, the inability of the central government and the factors of external influence. The urgency of the topic is causes by importance of the planning postwar managementinUkraine, which is negotiating about peacekeeping mission on the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Ukraine needs to know the possible consequences of this decision, studieng the experience of the countries with similar problems. An example of DR Congo demonstrates the loss of capital sovereignty over economically important regions, which can not be returned without external assistance. Moreover, even in liberated territories it is difficult to establish a stable order. The processes of unconventional conflicts lead to the weakening of sovereignty and the reduction or even loss of subjectivity. Accordingly, the methods of solving these issues with the involvement of international organizations often freeze the situation, leaving the subjectivity of the governments recognized in the world fragile. Such a development scenario also threatens Ukraine in the case of introduction the peacekeeping forces. The author comes to the conclusion that hybrid conflicts lead to a weakening of sovereignty, which is deepened by the influence of external forces. Intervention of the international community does not give the expected effect. Keywords: hybridwar, conflict management, peacemaking operation.

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashly Adam Townsen ◽  
Bryce W. Reeder

Recent developments in the availability of spatial data and the growing trend of spatial analysis in political science has given scholars the ability to account for local-level factors in the study of political violence and conflict management. In this paper, the authors contribute to this growing body of literature by employing geo-coded data to empirically explore a question central to the study of peacekeeping – when peacekeepers are authorized to enter a conflict, where do they go? In other words, what types of violence are peacekeeping forces most concerned with, and what geographic features might prevent or allow for the deployment of peacekeepers? Using the un mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the authors find that peacekeeping forces were less concerned with non-state violence (rebels fighting rebels) and instead focused on government-rebel confrontations and those instances in which government or rebels attacked unarmed civilians. In addition, peacekeepers are shown to cluster around transportation networks, densely populated areas, surface-based resources, and international borders.


Author(s):  
G. M. Sidorova

The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.


2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Schomerus ◽  
Lotje de Vries

This article compares two cases of securitization along South Sudan’s border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By comparing how a security concern – the presence of the Lord’s Resistance Army – was interpreted and responded to, the article shows that border security practices in two borderscapes are improvised, contradictory and contested, and serve to establish authority rather than actually securing the border. This is apparent on three levels: (a) through the multiplicity of security actors vying for authority; (b) in how they interpret security concerns; and (c) in terms of what practice follows. The article argues that by allowing authority at the border to be taken by actors that are not under direct control of the central government, the South Sudanese state is developing as one that controls parts of the country in absentia, either by granting discretionary powers to low-level government authorities at the border or through tactical neglect. Processes of securitization by both state and non-state actors in the borderland are largely disconnected from the South Sudanese central government, which does not claim authority over this border and thus seemingly does not consider the lack of security for its citizens, and the parallel authorities, as a threat to central stability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Alexandra Carleton

Constitutionalism may be gaining ascendancy in many countries in Africa. Yet thorough investigation of the extent to which current constitutions accord to the people their internationally recognised right to governance of their mineral wealth under Article 1(2) of the ICCPR has been lacking. Understanding the existing framework of rights which may support claims to land and natural resources is important. Constitutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia demonstrate the reality of multiple, overlapping land interests and the limitations upon a people's claim to freely govern their mineral wealth.


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