Where Do Peacekeepers Go When They Go?

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashly Adam Townsen ◽  
Bryce W. Reeder

Recent developments in the availability of spatial data and the growing trend of spatial analysis in political science has given scholars the ability to account for local-level factors in the study of political violence and conflict management. In this paper, the authors contribute to this growing body of literature by employing geo-coded data to empirically explore a question central to the study of peacekeeping – when peacekeepers are authorized to enter a conflict, where do they go? In other words, what types of violence are peacekeeping forces most concerned with, and what geographic features might prevent or allow for the deployment of peacekeepers? Using the un mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the authors find that peacekeeping forces were less concerned with non-state violence (rebels fighting rebels) and instead focused on government-rebel confrontations and those instances in which government or rebels attacked unarmed civilians. In addition, peacekeepers are shown to cluster around transportation networks, densely populated areas, surface-based resources, and international borders.

Author(s):  
Yurii Oliinyk

The article is devoted to the issue of hybrid warfare and the experience of postwar management on the example of Democratic Republic of the Congo.It is revealed the weakness of the state that is not able to control the territory, the risks of democratic transformation and the influence of external forces. The author examines the tools of the hybrid war, analyzes the current situation in the country, the inability of the central government and the factors of external influence. The urgency of the topic is causes by importance of the planning postwar managementinUkraine, which is negotiating about peacekeeping mission on the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Ukraine needs to know the possible consequences of this decision, studieng the experience of the countries with similar problems. An example of DR Congo demonstrates the loss of capital sovereignty over economically important regions, which can not be returned without external assistance. Moreover, even in liberated territories it is difficult to establish a stable order. The processes of unconventional conflicts lead to the weakening of sovereignty and the reduction or even loss of subjectivity. Accordingly, the methods of solving these issues with the involvement of international organizations often freeze the situation, leaving the subjectivity of the governments recognized in the world fragile. Such a development scenario also threatens Ukraine in the case of introduction the peacekeeping forces. The author comes to the conclusion that hybrid conflicts lead to a weakening of sovereignty, which is deepened by the influence of external forces. Intervention of the international community does not give the expected effect. Keywords: hybridwar, conflict management, peacemaking operation.


Author(s):  
Koto-te-Nyiwa Ngbolua ◽  
Ngemale Gbiadiri Maurice ◽  
Masengo Ashande Colette ◽  
Ndolete Geregbia Jean-Pierre ◽  
Bongo Ngiala Gédéon ◽  
...  

In Africa, the importance of NTFPs in the livelihood security is well recognized and these products represent vital sources of income for poor population. However, the sales chain of Marantaceae leaves is informal in Gbado-Lite and there is no information available on this sector for the promotion of the sale of NTFPs at the local level to reduce poverty and protect the environment as well as to conserve biodiversity. This survey shows that mostly female (55%) carries out the sale of Marantaceae leaves in Gbado-Lite. Among traders, 37.5% are illiterate, 32.5%, 20% and 10% have a secondary, primary and university education respectively. Regarding the marital status, 52.5% of respondents are divorced, 25% are widows and 22.5% are married. While 40% of respondents are unemployed, 30% are farmers while housewives and pupils account for 17.5% and 12.5% respectively. Our respondents know seven other non-woody forest products. These include: Mushrooms (27.5%), Caterpillars (22.5%), Marantaceae leaves (20%), honey (17.5%), snails and game (5% each) and vines (2.5%). Marantaceae leaves are first used for food packaging (47.5%), food preservation (35%), building material (10%). The forest accounts for 52% of the total harvesting habitat of Marantaceae leaves. It is followed by fallow (25%), fields (15%) savannah (8%) respectively. This sale allows the schooling for children (27.5%); health care (20%); food purchase (17%); beverage purchase (12.5%). The majority of respondents believe that these leaves are not well managed after use and therefore pollute the environment because of the lack of a waste collection structure. Yet, they are biodegradable and should be used to make compost for crops in Gbado-Lite.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
Laura-Maria Herţa

Abstract The chief objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the characteristics of new wars (described by scholars Mary Kaldor and Herfried Műnkler) are identified in the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Hence, the main argument is that the wars in D.R. Congo displayed most features of the new wars. Former Zaire/RDC was a weak state, completely unable to retain monopoly on the use of organized violence or to control its entire territory. Many armed groups and local militias had free vein in the east part and at some point they also controlled the north east and south east areas. Moreover, they gained autonomy and resorted to atrocities. The distinction between combatants and civilians was blurred. The locus of belligerence moved from the military sector to the societal one, thus also pinpointing to the need to reconceptualize security. Most attacks were carried out systematically and deliberately against groups of individuals, without discrimination between civilians and members of the militias. Child-soldiering was present and violence against women was prevailing systematically. Looting, raping, and killing was the bulk of the fighting and on several occasions civilians were used as human shields.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (10) ◽  
pp. 1994-2021
Author(s):  
Nina von Uexkull ◽  
Marco d’Errico ◽  
Julius Jackson

The effects of climate variability and change on security are debated. While this topic has received considerable attention in both policy circles and academia, the microlevel pathways and conditions under which climatic shocks increase conflict risks are poorly understood. We suggest that household resilience provides one key to understanding these relationships. Using novel household survey data from two conflict-affected regions in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, we study variation in the support for violence related to reported exposure to drought and resilience metrics. Using comprehensive multifaceted objective and subjective indicators of resilience, we find that less resilient respondents who report having experienced drought and associated losses are more likely to be supportive of the use of political violence. In contrast, our findings suggest that there is no general association between reporting drought exposure and support for violence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 687-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Müller-Crepon ◽  
Philipp Hunziker

Research on ethnic politics and political violence has benefited substantially from the growing availability of cross-national, geo-coded data on ethnic settlement patterns. However, because existing datasets represent ethnic homelands using aggregate polygon features, they lack information on ethnic compositions at the local level. Addressing this gap, this article introduces the Spatially Interpolated Data on Ethnicity (SIDE) dataset, a collection of 253 near-continuous maps of local ethno-linguistic, religious and ethno-religious settlement patterns in 47 low- and middle-income countries. We create these data using spatial interpolation and machine learning methods to generalize the ethnicity-related information in the geo-coded Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). For each DHS survey we provide the ethnic, religious and ethno-religious compositions of cells on a raster that covers the respective countries at a resolution of 30 arc-seconds. The resulting data are optimized for use with geographic information systems (GIS) software. Comparisons of SIDE with existing categorical datasets and district-level census data from Uganda and Senegal are used to assess the data’s accuracy. Finally, we use the new data to study the effects of local polarization between politically relevant ethnic groups, finding a positive effect on the risk of local violence such as riots and protests. However, local ethno-political polarization is not statistically associated with violent events pertaining to larger-scale processes such as civil wars.


Significance Short-term economic prospects dimmed after the economy posted GDP growth of just 2.5% in 2016, down from 6.9% the year prior. The economy may only begin to recover in 2018 when shut-in copper production rebounds. An unresolved and tense political situation renders the near-term prospects in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) uncertain. Impacts Political instability related to the presidential transition may slow foreign direct investment (FDI) in some sectors. A return to strong growth will not necessarily bring inclusive growth. Levels of disruptive political violence will depend in part on the coherence of the opposition in 2017.


Significance Violence has escalated dramatically and displaced nearly one million people in four central provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Kasai, Kasai-Central, Kasai-Oriental and Lomami. This includes the decapitation of 42 police officers in March and the murder of two UN investigators; the government has blamed Kamuina Nsapu rebels for both incidents. The recent violence reflects a volatile mix of local and national factors, fuelled by the belief that President Joseph Kabila intends to stay in power beyond 2017. Impacts Kabila’s reshuffles will be viewed with distrust at the local level in the Kasais and could prompt popular protests and armed resistance. Developments in the Kasais may inspire similar defiance in other provinces. However, such opposition is unlikely to lead to a united force capable of pressuring Kabila to hold national elections as agreed.


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