scholarly journals Civic Rivalry and the Boundaries of Civic Identity in the French Wars of Religion: Châlons-sur-Marne and the Towns of Champagne

1997 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-33
Author(s):  
Mark Konnert

An examination of the policies and actions of the city council of the Champagne town of Châlons-sur-Marne during the French Wars of Religion qualifies the view that the wars spelled the end of the bonne ville. In particular, this article examines Châlons' rivalries with the other towns of the region. The civil wars of the Catholic League in the late 1580s and early 1590s provided the opportunity to gain by military means what had previously been sought by bureaucratic. Yet at the same time that the city councillors were pursuing the traditional agenda of the bonne ville, they were also illustrating the dynamic of its demise, for the prizes over which these rivalries were fought were royal institutions. They were playing an old game for new stakes.

Author(s):  
Andrea Frisch

Montaigne’s Essays are, in part, a reflection on the ongoing negotiation between the objects, aims, and uses of modern monumental memory, on the one hand, and postmodern plural memory, on the other. Written in the throes of the French Wars of Religion, the Essays grapple with proliferating and inevitably conflicting contributions to the collective memory bank. Montaigne unequivocally refuses to monumentalize memory, ultimately providing a model of a deep, and deeply dialogical, engagement with plural memories. The kind of memory that digital networks facilitate in the global age is unstable, dynamic, and polyvalent in a way that Montaigne’s Essays both perform and endorse. This is why, in their commitment to probing both the depth and the range of human experience, Montaigne’s Essays remain a record of and a template for productive ways to imagine the dignity of memory in our own age of variety and vicissitude.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Carlton

The Christchurch City Council election of 2013 provides a compelling case study through which to consider the interaction between politics and city space. On the one hand, through the careful placement of campaign posters, politics encroached on the physical terrain of the city. On the other hand, candidates included in their campaign material multitudinous references to ‘Christchurch the city,’ demonstrating the extent to which the physical environment of the post-disaster city had become central to local politics.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 596
Author(s):  
Andrei Constantin Sălăvăstru

French Protestantism has remained famous in the history of political thought mostly for its theories regarding popular sovereignty and the right of the people to resist and replace a tyrannical ruler. However, before the civil wars pushed them on this revolutionary path, French Protestants stressed the duty of obedience even in the face of manifest tyranny. The reasons for this were ideological, due to the significance placed on St. Paul’s assertion that all political power was divinely ordained, but also pragmatic, as Calvin and his followers were acutely aware of the danger of antagonizing the secular authorities. More importantly, they were fervently hoping for the conversion of France to the Reformation and, in their mind, the surest way such a process could take place was through the conversion of the king and the royal family. Therefore, Protestant propaganda of that time constantly urged the most important French royals to convert to the Reformation, and, for this purpose, they deployed a language full of references to the pious Biblical rulers who led their people towards the true faith—whom the addressees of these propaganda texts were advised to emulate, lest they incur God’s wrath. This paper aims to analyze the occurrences and the role of these references in the Protestants’ dialogue with the French monarchy.


Author(s):  
Mahshid Sadat Naghibzadeh Jalali ◽  
Bahador Sadeghi

The current study is based on a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach of Rasht City Council Candidates' speeches, slogans, posters, and other campaign and propaganda tools used to take part in City Council Elections. Four candidates were selected in this study from whom two candidates were finally successful in the City Council Elections and the other two were not. All of four candidates had different academic education, working records, behavioral characteristics and thought tendencies. They filled a questionnaire prepared by the researcher containing their biographical information, purposes, motivations, kinds of political propaganda, organizational or other kinds of support, if any, and something else. Researcher also used a controlled interview asking some questions about the important factors influenced on the candidates' succession or fails including occupation, thought tendency, type of sloganeering, discourse techniques and so on. It should be noted that researcher considered some available sloganeering instruments like posters, CDs of lectures, pictures and slogans used by the candidates in Rasht City Council Election Process. Then the collected data were analyzed and compared to each other to identify the candidates' thoughts and ideas represented in their speeches. Based on Fairclough framework, this study investigates how the candidates try to justify their ideas and persuade their audiences by utilizing suitable ideological discourse structures in their speeches. Also the aim of this paper is to analyze and compare the candidates' speeches in order to discover the ideological strategies, power relations and persuasive techniques underlying their speeches and to identify the most important factors influenced on their success and fail.


1991 ◽  
Vol 105 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Truus Van Bueren

AbstractKarel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck was published in 1604. During this period the Haarlem city council was pursuing an active cultural policy in which painting played a central role. In 1603, the porter at the Prinscnhof was instructed not to refuse admission to people who wanted to view the paintings and other objects of art housed there. That same year Hendrik Goltzius, Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Vroom were commissioned to paint pictures of their own choice to commemmorate their art. The paintings were to hang in the Prinsenhof. In 1605 the council cndcavoured to ensure the city's claim to a number of paintings from the Jansklooster. This monastery, unlike others in Haarlem, had not been seized when the city became Protestant. The monks were allowed to keep their property until the last one died, but not to adopt any more monks. In 1605 the council demanded an inventory of the immovables and of the paintings too. The majority of the paintings in the inventory, which was supplied a year later, proved to be the work of highly esteemed artists. Although by no means all the art in the monasterey was listed, the city council did not protest. The intention had simply been to secure the important paintings with a view to placing in the Prinsenhof when the time came. Karel van Mander and his friends Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Goltzius undoubtedly contributed to the creation of a climate in which such an art policy was feasible. Van Mander had spent years preparing his Schilder-Boeck, and had paid a great deal of attention to Haarlem painting. In his efforts to gather information the had established numerous contacts. He had carefully described he paintings in the Prinsenhof, and had also seen works by Haarlem painters belonging to private individuals. One such man was Gerrit Willemsz. van Schoterbosch, a burgomaster who had been on the council when that body commissioned Cornelis van Haarlem to make four paintings for the Prinsenhof during the last decade of the 16th century, and also during the period discussed here, 1603-1605. What were the aims of the city council in pursuing this cultural policy? There are two possibilities, both of which are encountered in the Schilder-Boeck. Van Mander wanted to elevate painting to a higher status than a craft. In his praise of painting he therefore dwelt at length on art lovers who collected paintings for art's sake. May not the city council have desired to assemble such a collection? If so, something very special was happening in Haarlem. Perhaps there is more to be said for the other possibility, to which Van Mander also refers: the council could have enlisted the Haarlem painters to sing the praises of the city.


1958 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-239
Author(s):  
Leo F. Solt

Some of the comparative ideas that Mr. Kingdon has dealt with in the foregoing article are elaborations of views that he suggested in his recent monograph, Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion, 1555–1563. In a recent review of this book by Sir John Neale the author is praised for claiming that the “highly-organized subversive conspiracy from Geneva,” which was so important in the French wars of religion, “has a bearing on Dutch and English, not to mention Scottish, history.” What is more, Neale indicates that he “certainly finds it illuminating for an appreciation of the Puritan Classical movement in Elizabethan history.” It might be worth-while, therefore, to extend the discussion by briefly examining Mr. Kingdon's criteria for “revolutionary Calvinist parties” in connection with England in the age of Elizabeth and, later, with the period of the English civil wars of the mid-seventeenth century. Those criteria include a synodical organization, noble leadership, and a resistance theory.


Author(s):  
Marc Bizer

Focusing on Montaigne’s adaptation of Cicero’s De amicitia within his own essay “On Friendship,” this chapter reveals Montaigne’s complex reception of the “Roman error” of putting friendship before the needs of the state. Drawn to such matters in part by his friendship with Étienne de La Boétie, Montaigne, in effect, disagrees with Cicero over how to react to this error. Cicero (through his Laelius) opts to condemn it, while Montaigne finds in it support for his view of friendship, one that in turn sustains Montaigne’s moderation amid the political extremism of the French Wars of Religion. Montaigne’s rejection of Roman friendship as error on the one hand reflects his questioning of the value of ancient models for understanding the present. On the other hand, however, his characterization of ideal friendship as autotelic and autonomous can also be seen as a tacit acknowledgment that friendship among the elite is inherently political.


Author(s):  
Margit Kern

ABSTRACTUp until now, researchers have strictly made connections between the program of images on the 1573 balcony of the Wittenberg town hall and the office of those who wield authority. And in fact this interpretation is documented by the German inscriptions on the front of the structure. However, another dimension of the program has not been taken into account: The Latin distichs pertaining to the figures of the virtues relate not to the city councilors and political transactions; rather, they characterize the role of virtue and good works in the life of the Protestant Christian in general. It is particularly emphasized that Christ and not good works effect redemption. In contrast to the goal of the German inscriptions, the Latin distichs provide no guide to carrying on daily business. Instead, they paraphrase the Lutheran doctrine of justification. With this pointed reference to Lutheran theology, the commissioners of the program distanced themselves, on the one hand, from the Catholic church; on the other, they rejected contested theological positions within Protestantism, such as the theses of Johann Georg Major. The coat of arms of the territorial ruler and the personifications, Peace and Religion, give evidence that the Wittenberg city council wished to display prominently its agreement with the strict Lutheran position of the prince, Albertine Elector August.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
TOM HAMILTON

Abstract This article uncovers a sodomy scandal that took place in the Benedictine abbey of Morigny, on the eve of the French Wars of Religion, in order to tackle an apparently simple yet persistent question in the history of early modern criminal justice. Why, despite all of the formal and informal obstacles in their way, did plaintiffs bring charges before a criminal court in this period? The article investigates the sodomy scandal that led to the conviction and public execution of the abbey's porter Pierre Logerie, known as ‘the gendarme of Morigny’, and situates it in the wider patterns of criminal justice as well as the developing spiritual crisis of the civil wars during the mid-sixteenth century. Overall, this article demonstrates how criminal justice in this period could prove useful to plaintiffs in resolving their disputes, even in crimes as scandalous and difficult to articulate as sodomy, but only when the interests of local elites strongly aligned with those of the criminal courts where the plaintiffs sought justice.


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