Jerónimo Lobo SJ and his Discourse of palm-trees in the context of seventeenth-century botany

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Paulo Cabral ◽  
J. M. S. Martins

Father Jerónimo Lobo SJ was on a mission to Ethiopia between 1624 and 1634, during which he travelled on foot through parts of Abyssinia and Eritrea. After a troubled period of life in India, he returned to Lisbon in 1657, where died in 1678. In Lisbon Lobo wrote one of his most important works, “Discurso das Palmeiras”, published in 1669 in an English translation by the Royal Society of London. In this work, Lobo described the morphology and uses of eight important palm trees. Two of these – “macomeira” (Hyphaene) and “trafolim” (Borassus) – were novelties to European botanists. An analysis of published works from this period, including lists of plants cultivated in botanical and private European gardens, indicates that when “Discurso” was published, printed descriptions of only some of the palms that Lobo described were available. At that period few palms were cultivated in British and Dutch gardens. The botanical novelties in Lobo's “Discurso” were most probably the reason for interest shown by the Royal Society. This remarkable seventeenth-century botanical account reflected Lobo's ability to observe nature (perhaps enhanced by academic training in Jesuit schools) during his walks through the Abyssinian empire.

In a previous article (i) a short account was given of the life of William Molyneux F.R.S. (1656-1698), who was, without doubt, the most able of the Irish scientists of the late seventeenth century. He was the founder of the Dublin Philosophical Society which held its first official meeting in October 1683, and ensured that it soon established and maintained close links with the Royal Society of London. Although it never numbered more than forty persons among its membership, the Dublin Society laid the foundation upon which Irish scientists of later generations were able to build, and the establishment of the Royal Dublin Society in 1731 and of the Royal Irish Academy in 1785 is evidence of its lasting influence on the scientific life of eighteenthcentury Ireland. The constitution and organization of the Dublin group was closely modelled on that of the Royal Society (2), and its original style o f ‘The Dublin Society for the improving of naturall knowledge, Mathematicks and Mechanicks’ shows that it shared the aims and interests of its English counterpart. In November 1684, Sir William Petty, the Society’s first President, drew up a series of ‘advertisements. . . containing some proposals for modelling . . . future progress’. These were so well approved of ‘that they were readily submitted to by the whole company’ (3)


One of the more vigorously debated problems of historical interpretation in recent years has been that of the relationship between Puritanism and science in the seventeenth century. The controversy over this problem has at times been heated, and it has attracted the participation of a number of scholars including Christopher Hill, Leo F. Solt, Hugh Kearney, Theodore K. Rabb, Barbara J. Shapiro, and Richard L. Greaves. The central question in the debate has been, ‘Did Puritanism contribute to the development and acceptance of scientific thought?’ Two major lines of argument have been followed. One has involved the examination of Puritan ideas and attitudes which may have been supportive of scientific endeavour. Included among these have been the Puritan emphasis upon empiricism, interest in the study of nature for the glory of God, and the support of free inquiry in opposition to authoritarianism. The other line of argument has involved the analysis of the membership of scientific groups such as the Royal Society of London in order to assess the level of Puritan participation and interest.


Author(s):  
Luciano Boschiero

In 1668, when the Royal Society of London received a copy of the book of experiments compiled by the Tuscan Accademia del Cimento, it was deemed by the Society to contain little that was new or innovative, and was seemingly soon forgotten. Yet 15 years later, Richard Waller's English translation of this book was licensed and published by the Society. The only reason offered by historians for this turnaround in the English attitude towards the book has been the social and political circumstances facing the Society in the early 1680s. However, a closer look at the reception of the translation and the intellectual interests of some of the Society's members at this time, especially the Society's temporary curator, Denis Papin, reveals that the Tuscans' work was re-evaluated for its significance to natural philosophical theories developed in the field of pneumatics.


Notes and Records has good reason to mourn the death of Douglas McKie as for many years successive editors so often called on him for help and advice and his rich store of knowledge and his critical judgment were always most generously placed at their disposal. He contributed to our Tercentenary Volume, Origins and Founders , his article, ‘The Origins and Foundation of the Royal Society of London’, the best account of the events leading up to the birth of the Royal Society and of the intellectual climate in which it was formed, that has yet been written. It was a labour of love to which McKie devoted much study. Many of his findings were confirmed by Sir Geoffrey Keynes in his recent Wilkins Lecture. Written in McKie’s clear narrative style with its admirable balance like all McKie’s writings it will always be a pleasure to read. In the planning of Origins and Founders , in the choice of authors and in some of the delicate problems that arose in the editing, McKie’s intimate study of seventeenth-century science was of the utmost value. So the Royal Society now acknowledges its debt to him.


Philosophy ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 10 (38) ◽  
pp. 200-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Wolf

The Library of the Royal Society of London contains a large collection of manuscript material relating to Henry Oldenburg and his correspondents. Oldenburg was one of the two Secretaries of the Royal Society when it was founded in 1662. For many years he acted as intermediary between British and Continental philosophers: and scientists. He also edited the early volumes of the Royal Society's Philosophical Transactions. His contacts were accordingly very extensive. Nearly all the seventeenth-century pioneers of science were among his correspondents. In his role of intermediary he was in the habit of sending extracts from some of his foreign letters to


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spencer G. Sealy ◽  
Mélanie F. Guigueno

For centuries, naturalists were aware that soon after hatching the common cuckoo (Cuculus canorus) chick became the sole occupant of the fosterer's nest. Most naturalists thought the adult cuckoo returned to the nest and removed or ate the fosterer's eggs and young, or the cuckoo chick crowded its nest mates out of the nest. Edward Jenner published the first description of cuckoo chicks evicting eggs and young over the side of the nest. Jenner's observations, made in England in 1786 and 1787, were published by the Royal Society of London in 1788. Four years before Jenner's observations, in 1782, Antoine Joseph Lottinger recorded eviction behaviour in France and published his observations in Histoire du coucou d'Europe, in 1795. The importance of Lottinger's and Jenner's observations is considered together.


1828 ◽  
Vol 118 ◽  
pp. 153-239 ◽  

In the year 1790, a series of trigonometrical operations was carried on by General Roy, in co-operation with Messrs. De Cassini, Mechain, and Legendre, for the purpose of connecting the meridians of Paris and Greenwich. In England, the work commenced with a base measured on Hounslow Heath, whence triangles were carried through Hanger Hill Tower and Severndroog Castle on Shooter’s Hill, to Fairlight Down, Folkstone Turnpike, and Dover Castle on the English coast; which last stations were connected with the church of Notre Dame at Calais, and with Blancnez and Montlambert upon the coast of France. An account of these operations will be found in the Philosophical Transactions for 1790. In the year 1821, the Royal Academy of Sciences and the Board of Longitude at Paris communicated to the Royal Society of London their desire, that the operations for connecting the meridians of Paris and Greenwich should be repeated jointly by both countries, and that commissioners should be nominated by the Royal Academy of Sciences and by the Royal Society of London for that purpose. This proposal having been readily acceded to, Messrs. Arago and Matthieu were chosen on the part of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and Lieut.-Colonel (then Captain) Colby and myself were appointed by the Royal Society to co-operate with them.


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