Quakers and the Royal Society of London in the seventeenth century

One of the more vigorously debated problems of historical interpretation in recent years has been that of the relationship between Puritanism and science in the seventeenth century. The controversy over this problem has at times been heated, and it has attracted the participation of a number of scholars including Christopher Hill, Leo F. Solt, Hugh Kearney, Theodore K. Rabb, Barbara J. Shapiro, and Richard L. Greaves. The central question in the debate has been, ‘Did Puritanism contribute to the development and acceptance of scientific thought?’ Two major lines of argument have been followed. One has involved the examination of Puritan ideas and attitudes which may have been supportive of scientific endeavour. Included among these have been the Puritan emphasis upon empiricism, interest in the study of nature for the glory of God, and the support of free inquiry in opposition to authoritarianism. The other line of argument has involved the analysis of the membership of scientific groups such as the Royal Society of London in order to assess the level of Puritan participation and interest.

1956 ◽  
Vol 46 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. W. Walbank

Few historical problems have produced more unprofitable discussion than that of Hannibal's pass over the Alps. But if there is still no clear answer, some headway had at least been made in defining the question—which is half the battle. Kahrstedt put the matter as succinctly as anyone. ‘Mit Topographie ist nicht zum Ziele zu kommen, weisse Felsen and tiefe Schluchten, Flusstäler und steile Abhänge gibt es uberall. Das Problem ist literarhistorisch, nicht topographisch.’ Hence a feeling of dismay at finding the question reopened without, apparently, any realization of what sort of question it is. For in fact Sir Gavin de Beer's forthright and attractive little book, despite its ingenious attempt to introduce new kinds of evidence, never comes to grips with the fundamental issue—the relationship between Polybius' account and Livy's. This central question is dismissed with a fatal facility : ‘each account complements and supplies what was missing from the other ‘(p. 33). If one is to get anywhere with this problem one must treat it more seriously than that; and it may therefore perhaps be worth while, yet again, to reconsider the evidence and to indicate the limits within which the answer is to be sought (without any guarantee that it will necessarily be found). Such a survey can offer none of the ‘certainties’ or the excitement to be found in Alps and Elephants; it will propose no novelties; and if it is not to become unreadable, it had better avoid all but the most obvious and necessary references to a fantastically inflated modern literature.


In a previous article (i) a short account was given of the life of William Molyneux F.R.S. (1656-1698), who was, without doubt, the most able of the Irish scientists of the late seventeenth century. He was the founder of the Dublin Philosophical Society which held its first official meeting in October 1683, and ensured that it soon established and maintained close links with the Royal Society of London. Although it never numbered more than forty persons among its membership, the Dublin Society laid the foundation upon which Irish scientists of later generations were able to build, and the establishment of the Royal Dublin Society in 1731 and of the Royal Irish Academy in 1785 is evidence of its lasting influence on the scientific life of eighteenthcentury Ireland. The constitution and organization of the Dublin group was closely modelled on that of the Royal Society (2), and its original style o f ‘The Dublin Society for the improving of naturall knowledge, Mathematicks and Mechanicks’ shows that it shared the aims and interests of its English counterpart. In November 1684, Sir William Petty, the Society’s first President, drew up a series of ‘advertisements. . . containing some proposals for modelling . . . future progress’. These were so well approved of ‘that they were readily submitted to by the whole company’ (3)


1912 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 41-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. A. Berry ◽  
A. W. D. Robertson

IN our communication to the Royal Society of Victoria of the 11th March, 1909 (1), describing our recent discovery of forty-two Tasmanian crania hitherto quite unknown to the world of science, we stated that “one of the earliest purposes to which it is proposed to utilise the present material is the determination of the relationship of the Tasmanian to the anthropoids and primitive man on the one hand, and to the Australian aboriginal on the other hand. Schwalbe's study of Pithecanthropus erectus (2) may serve as a basis for the former purpose, and Klaatsch's recent work (3) for the latter, though it must be remembered that innumerable authors have contributed to both subjects.” The present work is the fulfilment of the first part of this undertaking, namely, the determination of the relationship of the Tasmanian to the anthropoids and primitive man.


PMLA ◽  
1914 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-188
Author(s):  
George B. Dutton

That the critical theories of the seventeenth-century French school of rules find numerous parallels in the work of Thomas Rymer has been perceived by various students of literary criticism. But the recognition of general resemblances has not served, apparently, to secure uniformity of opinion in classifying Rymer as a critic, or in determining the extent to which he represented, in English criticism, the French codification of the rules. Professor Saintsbury states that Eymer had a “charcoal-burner's faith in ‘the rules.‘” On the other hand, Professor Spingarn, who has gone farthest in tracing the parallelisms between Eymer's work and that of preceding critics, regards his work as rationalistic, or based upon common sense, rather than formalistic, based upon rule and precedent. The one would regard Eymer as a participant in the French tradition; the other, as primarily a continuator of certain previously existing English methods. An analysis of the relationship between Rymer and the French critics of the school of rules, more systematic than has yet been attempted, may aid in determining to what extent the critical standards and methods of the French Aristotelian formalists are approximated in Rymer, and what influence the French school had upon one whose criticism, however it may be regarded now, was of great weight and importance for years after it was written.


1872 ◽  
Vol 162 ◽  
pp. 283-318 ◽  

In the last memoir which I laid before the Royal Society I described a number of forms of Lepidodendroid plants from the Coal-measures, without making any material attempt to ascertain the relationship which they bore to each other. I now propose to carry the subject somewhat further, and to show that some of these apparently varied forms of Lycopodiaceæ merely represent identical or closely allied plants in different stages of their growth. The discovery of some remarkable beds in Burntisland, by George Grieve, Esq., and his persistent kindness in supplying me abundantly with the raw material upon which I could work, have enabled me to do this in a manner, at least, satisfactory to myself. Upon the geology of these remarkable beds I will not now enter, beyond saying that they appear to have been patches of peat belonging to the lower Burdiehouse series, which are now imbedded in masses of volcanic amygdaloid. The stratum, where unaltered by contact with the lava, is little more than a mass of vegetable fragments, the minute structure of most of which is exquisitely preserved. The more perfect remains that are capable of being identified belong to but few types. The most abundant of these are the young twigs of a Lepidodendron , portions of the stem of a Diploxylon , stems of a remarkable Lycopodiaceous plant belonging to my new genus Dictyoxylon (but which, for reasons to be stated in a future memoir, I propose to unite with Corda’s genus Heterangium , under the name of H. Grievii ), and fragments of Stigmaria-ficoides . Along with these occur, but more rarely, several other curious Lycopodiaceous and Fern stems, and those of an articulated plant, which I believe to be an Asterophyllites ; also some true Lepidostrobous fruits and myriads of caudate macrospores belonging to the Lepidostrobi . The first point to be noted is that all the Lepidodendroid branches are young twigs. No one example of a large stem has been found presenting exactly the same structure as these small branches, which, as already stated, are so abundant. On the other hand, all the Diploxylons are large branches or matured stems. These facts at once suggested the inquiry whether the two plants referred to might not be complementary to each other. A careful and very extended study of a large number of specimens has convinced me that such is the case. I have made more than a hundred sections of the two forms, and the result has been a remarkably clear testimony that the Lepidodendra are the twigs and young branches of the Diploxylon -stems. I am also led to the conclusion that the Lepidostrbi , with their peculiar macrospores and microspores, belong to the same plant. I will examine each of these forms in detail.


2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leemamol Mathew ◽  
Sony Pellissery

How do collective societies deal with the issue of justice? Addressing this central question, we argue that collective societies emphasise understanding rather than rational agreement. As a result, different notions of justice embedded with socio-local identities are acceptable in a given society. Therefore, to grapple with the question of the relationship between diversity and justice, it is important to unearth the extra-rational elements in the exercise of justice. Rationally oriented notion of justice has been anthropocentric and it has focused on attaining common good. On the other hand, justice system that aims at rhythmic existence with living and non-living organisms de-emphasises consensus on justice itself.


The royal Society of London sends warm greetings to the Societa Italiana di Fisica on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the discovery of the electrical pile by Alessandro Volta, and gladly pays tribute to a noble scientific genius. The work of this great compatriot of Galileo, following on that of Galvani, is the foundation of modern electricity both in its experimental and in its theoretical aspects. It has led through the work of Faraday and others to the great developments of electrical engineering which have transformed, and are still transforming, the civilization of our age. It has also led through the work of a long line of physicists of many nations to a new and better understanding of the ultimate nature of matter. This understanding indeed is far from complete, and the discovery of Volta will in all probability have consequences in the future both for scientific thought and for the material progress of humanity fully as great as those which it has already had.


2010 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Wilbourne

This article examines at the relationship between epistemologies of sound, repertoires of popular music, and markers of ethnic difference in early seventeenth-century Italy. The analysis concentrates on two scenes from the 1612 commedia dell'arte play Lo Schiavetto (“The Little Slave”). In one, an Italian nobleman disguises himself as a mute Jew, in the other, a young Italian noblewoman sings while cross-dressed as a black, male slave. Questions of embodiment are considered, as are the specific historical circumstances of the work's original performers, Virginia Ramponi Andreini, detta Florinda, and her husband, Giovan Battista Andreini, detto Lelio. Musical discussion focuses on the genre of the madrigal comedy (with particular attention to Orazio Vecchi's L'Amfiparnaso) and Giulio Caccini's Le nuove musiche e nuova maniera di scriverle (1614).


2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Martin

The Royal Society of London held a scientific meeting in September 2000 focusing on two theories of the origin of AIDS: one, that it occurred through “natural transfer” of immunodeficiency virus from monkeys or chimpanzees to humans; and the other, that it occurred through iatrogenic transfer via contaminated polio vaccines used in Africa in the late 1950s. This meeting was the culmination of years of public contention over the polio-vaccine theory. Several dimensions of the politics of science are revealed by analysis of this issue, including the power of scientific editors, the use of the mass media, decisions regarding selection of speakers and organization of the meeting, and epistemological assumptions made by participants.


Notes and Records has good reason to mourn the death of Douglas McKie as for many years successive editors so often called on him for help and advice and his rich store of knowledge and his critical judgment were always most generously placed at their disposal. He contributed to our Tercentenary Volume, Origins and Founders , his article, ‘The Origins and Foundation of the Royal Society of London’, the best account of the events leading up to the birth of the Royal Society and of the intellectual climate in which it was formed, that has yet been written. It was a labour of love to which McKie devoted much study. Many of his findings were confirmed by Sir Geoffrey Keynes in his recent Wilkins Lecture. Written in McKie’s clear narrative style with its admirable balance like all McKie’s writings it will always be a pleasure to read. In the planning of Origins and Founders , in the choice of authors and in some of the delicate problems that arose in the editing, McKie’s intimate study of seventeenth-century science was of the utmost value. So the Royal Society now acknowledges its debt to him.


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