New Ethnicities

Author(s):  
Peter Marks

The previous chapter suggested that the United Kingdom was less united, and perhaps less of a kingdom, in 1999 than 1990, partly the result of the redistribution of political power via the different acts of devolution that opened up new forms of self-determination to the constituent nations of Britain. That chapter also argued that these political and bureaucratic changes reflected complex and often subtle changes in the ways that Britons understood themselves as Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish and English. These developments were not solely the product of the decade, but were accelerated by some of the cultural energies and arguments that came to the fore in the 1990s.

2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-492
Author(s):  
WendyE. Hiscox

The voluntary euthanasia debate in the United Kingdom has a lengthy history, and the public continues to grapple with the possible legalisation of the practice. Hazel Biggs enters into this debate with Euthanasia, Death with Dignity and the Law, a timely contribution that has as its focus the question of whether legal reform to accommodate active voluntary euthanasia is an appropriate response to a perceived need for the option of “death with dignity”. The book’s seven discrete chapters explore aspects of the overall theme of achieving dignity in dying through the mechanism of euthanasia, from the perspectives of clinicians, patients and others who are indirectly affected. Emphasis on “autonomy”, “self-determination” and “human dignity” permeates the text and underpins the author’s stated position in favour of legal reform.


Significance The UK government remains divided over how its relations with the EU’s customs union should be arranged after Brexit, while the EU is unimpressed by any of the suggestions put forward by London to date. This issue is central to both the future EU-UK trade relationship and the debate about how to resolve the question of the intra-Irish border. Impacts Any physical infrastructure on the Irish border would become a target for violence. A hard border could increase support for Irish reunification among Northern Irish Catholics. Different customs regimes in the EU and the United Kingdom could lead to smuggling.


Author(s):  
Sofia Aboim

Abstract With the growing recognition of transgender individuals, gender identity laws are slowly embracing a paradigm in which self-determination becomes an entitlement. As the possibilities for either abolishing or registering multiple genders now seem politically plausible, this article examines global developments and identifies different legal models of identity recognition via a comparison of the United Kingdom, Portugal, and Nepal. Drawing on Axel Honneth’s notion of spheres of recognition and Nancy Fraser’s critique of the identity model of recognition, it is argued that not only does identity recognition implicate misrecognition but also that different forms of recognition work in ways that produce fragmentation and disjunction.


1999 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 91-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Elena Martin Salgado ◽  
Nicholas Goodwin

The activities of the regime of General, then President, Pinochet after his military coup in Chile in September 1973 are politically, legally and, one might almost say, popularly, one of the landmarks in the development of the international regime of human rights. Pinochet, then Commander of the Armed Forces, led a coup against President Allende, which resulted in a Military Junta seizing power on 11 September 1973. Pinochet became President of Chile in 1974 and remained in that position until 11 March 1990, when democracy was restored. He continued on as Commander of the Armed Forces until March 1998, when he was made Senator for Life.The legal significance of the reaction to events following the coup lies in the response of the United Nations to the excesses of the Pinochet government. The condemnation of Chile by the General Assembly for its policy of gross violations of human rights was the first occasion on which the Assembly had taken this step without invoking either a threat to the peace or a consideration of self-determination.


1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-190
Author(s):  
P. St. J. Smart

In Re A Company (No.007946 of 1993)1 it was held that a company incorporated in Northern Ireland was an “unregistered company” within section 220 of the Insolvency Act 1986 and, accordingly, was amenable to the winding-up jurisdiction of the English court. In so holding Morritt J specifically declined to follow the view expressed in Dicey and Morris,2 a view which had been adhered to by a number of writers on both English and Scottish law.3 Prior to his Lordship's determination it was considered as a general proposition that a company incorporated in one part of the United Kingdom could be wound up only in the place of incorporation (such judicial authority as there was in respect of Northern Irish companies4 was to this effect—although it was not brought to the attention of Morritt J). Whilst as a matter of precedent it was undoubtedly open to Morritt J to hold that there was jurisdiction to wind up a Northern Irish company, such a conclusion is completely at odds with the history and underlying intention of the relevant statutory provisions.


Author(s):  
Gary Craig

This chapter reviews developments leading to the enactment of the 2015 Modern Slavery Act in England and Wales and parallel legislation in Northern Ireland and Scotland. It analyses the response of the UK government to growing pressure for legislation, and the failings of the actual legislation put in place, including a comparison with some key elements in its Scottish and Northern Irish counterparts. Despite claims to be world-leading, the Modern Slavery Act has already been found to be deficient in many key areas such as continuing protection for victims and linking slavery and immigration legislation, and is considered to be in need of substantial reform.


1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 669-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hurst

Throughout its history the United Kingdom Liberal party has been a conglomerate. On the other hand, it was very rarely just an anti-Conservative Front, feeding off the grasslands of negation. Whatever the manifold stresses and strains of a given moment, the liberty-loving and reforming mentality almost invariably held together the disparate elements for purposes of positive action. And with the Conservative party essentially standstill and inherently strong at most times, this was scarcely surprising in the context of the battle for political power. That context was shaped by the break-up of the vast Liverpool-style coalition and the emergence under Lord Grey of a left-centre administration. The bundle of ideologies and interests behind Grey stuck together until the last quarter of the nineteenth century, although economic and social changes, along with alterations in the constitutional structure both springing from and causing them, did much to shift the influence they exercised. While it is true that the first and second Reform Acts were of crucial importance, the forces behind their passing should not be ignored. The hens did come before the eggs, even though the eventual arrivals were uncommonly large chickens, and hatching out was far from automatic


1985 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Guelke

‘Northern Ireland Is free to determine its own future. It is a fundamental part of the United Kingdom, If the majority of the people in Northern Ireland wish not to be obviously we would honor their wish, whether it was to be independent or to join up elsewhere. Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom because of the wish of the majority of its people.’


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