International Media Studies, Divya C. McMillin, Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. 2007. Pp. 288. ISBN 978-14-051180-95 (hardback), ISBN 978-14-051181-01 (paperback)

2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-238
Author(s):  
L. Lusvarghi
Author(s):  
Christoph Brunner

This article engages with the activities of the alternative international media centre FC/MC which was established and operated during the 2017 G20-summit in Hamburg. Rather than following established narratives on alternative media or mobilising discourses on aesthetics of resistance in the arts, the specific operational logics of affective and preemptive politics of perception define the main scope of developing what is termed “activist sense” and the emergence of potential “aesthetic counterpowers” as part and parcel of an affective politics of perception. Drawing on the conception of affect in social media studies and on the notions of field and information in the works of Gilbert Simondon, the FC/MC will be analysed as a building block in the overall infrastructure of affective resistance against dominant and platform-based narratives of violence and threat amplified by mainstream media. Through a field-based conception of affect and perception, the question of “making-sense” takes on a pervasive yet potentially more inclusive and activating dimension of future forms of media-infused modes of resistance.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-331
Author(s):  
David Kazanjian ◽  
Anahid Kassabian

In this most recent era of transnational movements of labor, commodity, capital, and information, distinctions among cultures and conditions of exile, diaspora, nationality, ethnicity, and race are both elusive and in need of elucidation. That need is particularly strong when such cultures and conditions are articulated in and through mass media. Studies of globalization and transnational media corporations in communications and media studies have rarely examined the continuing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. In turn, studies of postcoloniality, whose strongest disciplinary connections have been to literature, history, and anthropology, have been noticeably reluctant to address the realm of mass-mediated culture. Yet postcoloniality is routinely animated by the political economy and representational practices of mass-media technologies. Consider how the following mass mediated representations weave a tangled web of postcolonial relations. On the one hand, the nuclear bomb-toting terrorists of the “Crimson Jihad” in the recent blockbuster movie True Lies represent “peoples of the ‘Middle East’ ” by violently condensing Armenians, Turks, Lebanese, and Azeris along with, for example, Palestinians, Libyans, and Iranians. On the other hand, Armenian and Azeri war tactics in Karabakh are partly driven by international media coverage while that same war is consumed through mass media in Long Island and Los Angeles. To complicate the picture even further, Los Angeles-based institutions of mass media are driven by that city’s surplus labor pool of working-class immigrants from the “South.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 128 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-159
Author(s):  
Geoff Lealand

MediaTropes ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. i-xvi
Author(s):  
Jordan Kinder ◽  
Lucie Stepanik

In this introduction to the special issue of MediaTropes on “Oil and Media, Oil as Media,” Jordan B. Kinder and Lucie Stepanik provide an account of the stakes and consequences of approaching oil as media as they situate it within the “material turn” of media studies and the broader project energy humanities. They argue that by critically approaching oil and its infrastructures as media, the contributions that comprise this issue puts forward one way to develop an account of oil that further refines the larger tasks and stakes implicit in the energy humanities. Together, these address the myriad ways in which oil mediates social, cultural, and ecological relations, on the one hand, and the ways in which it is mediated, on the other, while thinking through how such mediations might offer glimpses of a future beyond oil.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.


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