scholarly journals The Cost of the Epistemic Step: Investigating Scalar Implicatures in Full and Partial Information Contexts

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Spychalska ◽  
Ludmila Reimer ◽  
Petra B. Schumacher ◽  
Markus Werning
Keyword(s):  
Partial Information ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
N400 Effect ◽  
Logical Interpretation ◽  
Differential Effects ◽  
Epistemic Reasoning ◽  
Online Processing ◽  
Negativity Effect ◽  
The Cost

We present the first ERP experiments that test the online processing of the scalar implicature some ⇝ not all in contexts where the speaker competence assumption is violated. Participants observe game scenarios with four open cards on the table and two closed cards outside of the table, while listening to statements made by a virtual player. In the full access context, the player makes a fully informed statement by referring only to the open cards, as cards on the table; in the partial access context, she makes a partially informed statement by referring to the whole set of cards, as cards in the game. If all of the open cards contain a given object X (Fullset condition), then some cards on the table contain Xs is inconsistent with the not all reading, whereas it is unknown whether some cards in the game contain X is consistent with this reading. If only a subset of the open cards contains X (Subset condition), then both utterances are known to be consistent with the not all implicature. Differential effects are observed depending on the quantifier reading adopted by the participant: For those participants who adopt the not all reading in the full access context, but not in the partial access context (weak pragmatic reading), a late posterior negativity effect is observed in the partial access context for the Fullset relative to the Subset condition. This effect is argued to reflect inference-driven context retrieval and monitoring processes related to epistemic reasoning involved in evaluating the competence assumption. By contrast, for participants who adopt the logical interpretation of some (some and possibly all), an N400 effect is observed in the partial access context, when comparing the Subset against the Fullset condition, which is argued to result from the competition between the two quantifying expressions some cards on the table and some cards in the game functioning in the experiment as scalar alternatives.

scholarly journals The online processing of causal and concessive discourse connectives

Linguistics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Köhne-Fuetterer ◽  
Heiner Drenhaus ◽  
Francesca Delogu ◽  
Vera Demberg
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Language Processing ◽  
Top Down ◽  
N400 Effect ◽  
Visual World ◽  
Visual World Paradigm ◽  
Incremental Processing ◽  
Online Processing ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Discourse Connectives

Abstract While there is a substantial amount of evidence for language processing being a highly incremental and predictive process, we still know relatively little about how top-down discourse based expectations are combined with bottom-up information such as discourse connectives. The present article reports on three experiments investigating this question using different methodologies (visual world paradigm and ERPs) in two languages (German and English). We find support for highly incremental processing of causal and concessive discourse connectives, causing anticipation of upcoming material. Our visual world study shows that anticipatory looks depend on the discourse connective; furthermore, the German ERP study revealed an N400 effect on a gender-marked adjective preceding the target noun, when the target noun was inconsistent with the expectations elicited by the combination of context and discourse connective. Moreover, our experiments reveal that the facilitation of downstream material based on earlier connectives comes at the cost of reversing original expectations, as evidenced by a P600 effect on the concessive relative to the causal connective.

scholarly journals Testing the Cognitive Processing Model of Chinese Scalar Implicatures

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 1074-1087
Author(s):  
Si Liu ◽  
Chunmei Wang
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Processing ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Chinese Language ◽  
Research Field ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Experimental Paradigm ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Cost

This paper reports our experimental study of the cognitive processing of scalar implicature in the Chinese language. Our experiments tested the two processing models: the Default model proposed by the neo-Gricean theorists and the Context-Driven model supported by the post-Gricean, which has long been debated in the pragmatic research field. Our Experiment 1 investigated whether scalar implicature might be generated in neutral contexts (neither enabling nor canceling the processing of scalar implicature). By manipulating the scalar trigger yixie (some) in sentence-initial and sentence-final conditions, the reading times on the target phrase qiyude/qitade (the rest/the others) showed facilitation in the sentence-initial. In Experiment 2, a picture-sentence verification of under-informative utterance was performed in order to test the cost of generating scalar implicature. The results showed the significant effects of the two factors (Quantifiers <all, some> and Picture-Match/NoMatch). The yes/no responses showed that native speakers of Chinese were sensitive to scalar implicature. However, the role of context in processing scalar implicature was not supported. Experiment 3 was designed to test the processing of scalar implicature in Upper-Bound (enabling the processing) and Lower-Bound (canceling the processing) contexts. The result of this online experiment was slightly in favor of the Context-Driven model. The findings of the three experiments were significantly in agreement with neither the CM nor the DM. We presumed that the processing of scalar implicature might be accounted for with an alternative model. This was the first study to use this experimental paradigm in the Chinese language, whose findings were expected to highlight a need for further studies in order to investigate the meaning processing models with various languages and cultures.

Differentiating scalar implicature from exclusion inferences in language acquisition

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jess Sullivan ◽  
Kathryn Davidson ◽  
Shirlene Wade ◽  
David Barner
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Mutual Exclusivity ◽  
Logical Semantics

When acquiring language, children must not only learn the meanings of words, but also how to interpret them in context. For example, children must learn both the logical semantics of the scalar quantifier some and its pragmatically enriched meaning: ‘some but not all’. Some studies have shown that this “scalar implicature” that some implies ‘some but not all’ poses a challenge even to nine-year-olds, while others find success by age three. We asked whether reports of children’s early successes might be due to the computation of exclusion inferences (like contrast or mutual exclusivity) rather than an ability to compute scalar implicatures. We found that young children (N=214; ages 4;0-7;11) sometimes prefer to compute symmetrical exclusion inferences rather than asymmetric scalar inferences when interpreting quantifiers. This suggests that some apparent successes in computing scalar implicature can actually be explained by less sophisticated exclusion inferences.

scholarly journals Complex Inferential Processes Are Needed for Implicature Comprehension, but Not for Implicature Production

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Mognon ◽  
Simone A. Sprenger ◽  
Sanne J. M. Kuijper ◽  
Petra Hendriks
Keyword(s):  
Theory Of Mind ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Intended Meaning ◽  
Apply Theory ◽  
Bidirectional Optimality Theory ◽  
The Asymmetry ◽  
Variable Performance

Upon hearing “Some of Michelangelo’s sculptures are in Rome,” adults can easily generate a scalar implicature and infer that the intended meaning of the utterance corresponds to “Some but not all Michelangelo’s sculptures are in Rome.” Comprehension experiments show that preschoolers struggle with this kind of inference until at least 5 years of age. Surprisingly, the few studies having investigated children’s production of scalar expressions like some and all suggest that production is adult-like already in their third year of life. Thus, children’s production of implicatures seems to develop at least 2 years before their comprehension of implicatures. In this paper, we present a novel account of scalar implicature generation in the framework of Bidirectional Optimality Theory: the Asymmetry Account. We show that the production–comprehension asymmetry is predicted to emerge because the comprehension of some requires the hearer to consider the speaker’s perspective, but the production of some does not require the speaker to consider the hearer’s perspective. Hence, children’s comprehension of scalar expressions, but not their production of scalar expressions, is predicted to be related to their theory of mind development. Not possessing fully developed theory of mind abilities yet, children thus have difficulty in comprehending scalar expressions such as some in an adult-like way. Our account also explains why variable performance is found in experimental studies testing children’s ability to generate scalar implicatures; moreover, it describes the differences between children’s and adults’ implicature generation in terms of their ability to recursively apply theory of mind; finally, it sheds new light on the question why the interpretation of numerals does not require implicature generation.

scholarly journals Are all code-switches processed the same? Examining semantic v. language unexpectancy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Valdés Kroff ◽  
Patricia Roman ◽  
Paola E. Dussias
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Processing ◽  
Time Window ◽  
Time Windows ◽  
Target Population ◽  
Code Switching ◽  
Event Related Potential ◽  
N400 Effect ◽  
Online Processing ◽  
Sentence Level ◽  
Main Effect

Prior studies using the event-related potential (ERP) technique show that integrating sentential code-switches in online processing lead to a broadly distributed late positivity component while processing semantically unexpected continuations instead lead to the emergence of an N400 effect. While the N400 is generally assumed to index lexico-semantic processing, the LPC has two different interpretations. One account suggests that it reflects the processing of an improbable or unexpected event while an alternative account proposes sentence-level reanalysis. To investigate the relative costs of semantic to language-based unexpectancies (i.e., code-switches), the current study tests 24 Spanish-English bilinguals in an ERP reading study. Semantically constrained Spanish frames either varied in their semantic expectancy (high vs low expectancy) and/or their language continuation (same language vs code-switch) while participants’ electrophysiological responses were recorded. The Spanish-to-English switch direction provides a more naturalistic test for integration costs to code-switching as it better approximates the code-switching practices of the target population. Analyses across three time windows show a main effect for semantic expectancy in the N400 time window and a main effect for code-switching in the LPC time window. Additional analyses based on the self-reported code-switching experience of the participants suggested an early positivity linked to less experience with code-switching. The results suggest that not all code-switches lead to similar integration costs and that prior experience with code-switching is an important additional factor that modulates online processing.

Differentiating scalar implicature from exclusion inferences in language acquisition

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 733-759
Author(s):  
Jessica SULLIVAN ◽  
Kathryn DAVIDSON ◽  
Shirlene WADE ◽  
David BARNER
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Mutual Exclusivity ◽  
Logical Semantics

AbstractDuring acquisition, children must learn both the meanings of words and how to interpret them in context. For example, children must learn the logical semantics of the scalar quantifier some and its pragmatically enriched meaning: ‘some but not all’. Some studies have shown that ‘scalar implicature’ – that some implies ‘some but not all’ – poses a challenge even to nine-year-olds, while others find success by age three. We asked whether reports of children's successes might be due to the computation of exclusion inferences (like contrast or mutual exclusivity) rather than scalar implicatures. We found that young children (N = 214; ages 4;0–7;11) sometimes compute symmetrical exclusion inferences rather than asymmetric scalar inferences. These data suggest that a stronger burden of evidence is required in studies of implicature; before concluding that children compute implicatures, researchers should first show that children exhibit sensitivity to asymmetric entailment in the task.

ADMISSION CONTROL WITH INCOMPLETE INFORMATION TO A FINITE BUFFER QUEUE

2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothée Honhon ◽  
Sridhar Seshadri
Keyword(s):  
Admission Control ◽  
Partial Information ◽  
Control Policy ◽  
Arrival Process ◽  
Finite Buffer ◽  
Optimal Cost ◽  
State Aggregation ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Finite Buffer Queue

We consider the problem of admission control to a multiserver finite buffer queue under partial information. The controller cannot see the queue but is informed immediately if an admitted customer is lost due to buffer overflow. Turning away (i.e., blocking) customers is costly and so is losing an admitted customer. The latter cost is greater than that of blocking. The controller's objective is to minimize the average cost of blocking and rejection per incoming customer. Lin and Ross [11] studied this problem for multiserver loss systems. We extend their work by allowing a finite buffer and the arrival process to be of the renewal type. We propose a control policy based on a novel state aggregation approach that exploits the regenerative structure of the system, performs well, and gives a lower bound on the optimal cost. The control policy is inspired by a simulation technique that reduces the variance of the estimators by not simulating the customer service process. Numerical experiments show that our bound varies with the load offered to the system and is typically within 1% and 10% of the optimal cost. Also, our bound is tight in the important case when the cost of blocking is low compared to the cost of rejection and the load offered to the system is high. The quality of the bound degrades with the degree of state aggregation, but the computational effort is comparatively small. Moreover, the control policies that we obtain perform better compared to a heuristic suggested by Lin and Ross. The state aggregation technique developed in this article can be used more generally to solve problems in which the objective is to control the time to the end of a cycle and the quality of the information available to the controller degrades with the length of the cycle.

scholarly journals Another argument for embedded scalar implicatures based on oddness in downward entailing contexts

2015 ◽  
pp. 564
Author(s):  
Giorgio Magri
Keyword(s):  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Downward Entailing ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Right

In Magri (2009), I argue that a sentence such as 'Some Italians come from a warm country' sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that not all Italians come from a warm country, which mismatches with the common knowledge that all Italians come from the same country. If this proposal is on the right track, then oddness can be used as a diagnostic for scalar implicatures. In this paper, I use this diagnostic to provide one more argument that scalar implicatures are computed not only at the matrix level but also in embedded position. The argument is based on a puzzling pattern of oddness in downward entailing contexts.

scholarly journals Plurality inferences are scalar implicatures: Evidence from acquisition

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Tieu ◽  
Cory Bill ◽  
Jacopo Romoli ◽  
Stephen Crain
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Title Page ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Value Judgment ◽  
Downward Entailing ◽  
Truth Value

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>This paper provides novel experimental evidence for a scalar implicature approach to the plurality inferences that are associated with English plural morphology (</span><span>Emily fed giraffes </span><span>-&gt; </span><span>Emily fed more than one giraffe</span><span>). Using a Truth Value Judgment Task, we show that both adults and 4–5-year-old children compute more plurality inferences in upward-entailing than downward-entailing environments, but children compute fewer plurality inferences overall than adults do. These findings are consistent with previous research demonstrating children’s relative insensitivity to scalar implicatures. We discuss the implications of these findings for theories of plurality inferences, and for the acquisition of scalar inferences more generally. </span></p></div></div></div>

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