Overseas Education: Dispelling Official Myths in Latin America

2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Petras

One of the most important contributions that the study abroad program makes is to allow students and professors to contrast official (government and mass media) versions of reality with their own observations and experiences. In many cases, there is a significant gap between what students were told before they left the U.S. and what they have learned upon their return. Not all students are able or willing to go beyond their preconceived notions, in part because of the limited access to different classes, ethnic and gender groups, or because the nature of the program limits the range of experiences to which students are exposed. Nevertheless, in my nearly forty years of travel to Latin America, I have found that most students do develop significantly different and critical views of the “official” versions of Latin America and U.S. foreign policy. The initial reactions to the contrast between preconceptions and reality vary from surprise to indignation, with many pursuing alternative and more critical paradigms. To illustrate this issue, I would like to cite several cases that I have witnessed in the field.

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-156
Author(s):  
Amy Walter

This article presents an undergraduate student research project on the effect of the mass media on political attitudes and behaviors in Chile between the years 1970 and 2000 conducted on a study abroad program in Chile.


Author(s):  
Heejung An ◽  
Carrie E. Hong ◽  
David Fuentes

This chapter describes a group study abroad program in which 12 U.S. participants (6 pre-service and 6 in-service teachers) traveled to South Korea to enhance their cultural awareness of Korea and to then develop curricula pertaining to Korean history, the arts, area studies, and literature. The authors describe what the program focused on and how the curriculum activities were designed and implemented. Further, an overall theoretical framework for the project and a summary of research findings is presented. Overall, findings note that the participants' level of perceived cultural awareness was not significantly altered through participation in the program. Additionally, this chapter reports whether and how participants' future perceived pedagogical practices were changed as a result of participating in this program. Suggestions for how to diversify the U.S. teacher workforce are also discussed.


1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 478-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Cassara

President Jimmy Carter's elevation of human rights to a major foreign policy concern had an impact on U.S. news coverage of Latin America. In the mid-1970s, U.S. coverage of Latin America was erratic at best. By the time Carter left office, the U.S. media had significantly increased both the resources and space devoted to covering the region.


2022 ◽  
pp. 409-433
Author(s):  
Victoria Russell

Described in this chapter is an innovative online course that was created to support Spanish language students whose study abroad program was cancelled during the summer of 2020 due to the pandemic. While many students were able to enroll quickly in summer online language course offerings at their home campus to substitute for their study abroad coursework, students who were scheduled to complete field experiences in Spain as part of their certificate in Spanish for Professionals were unable to do so. In response to this problem, the author created an online professional practicum course to substitute for students' service-learning course in Spain. The design, development, and delivery of the online course, which featured a virtual language exchange between students in the U.S. and Spain, is the focus of the present chapter. Also described in this chapter is the conceptual framework that underpins sound instructional design for online communicative language teaching.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-40
Author(s):  
Ana Isabel Lopez Garcia

It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.


Author(s):  
Timur Nelin ◽  

Introduction. Donald Trump’s policy towards the Latin American region and illegal Latino migrants was often criticized by mass media. Many experts admit that over four years of his presidency U.S. cooperation with Latin American countries was severely “undermined”. This negative trend should have been the subject of discussion of candidates for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. The purpose of the article is to find out what aspects of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were used by the candidates in their campaign statements, for what he was criticized and praised. Methods and Materials. The research is based on the analysis of candidates’ election programs and speeches. Donald Trump’s annual messages to Congress are analyzed as well. The author researches the programs of those candidates who reached the final stage of the 2020 elections and those who were most popular at the beginning of 2020 but lost the primaries. In addition to general scientific research methods, the author uses methods of discourse analysis and comparative analysis. Analysis. Almost all the candidates criticized the policy of Donald Trump in different way. The main issues were President’s approaches to Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela and dealing with illegal immigrants. Trump’s policy didn’t receive explicit approval from any candidate. Among all the contenders for the post of U.S. President, only Joe Biden offered a more or less developed plan for establishing relations with the Central America countries. Results. The author showers that main directions of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were not criticized. But the methods of this policy were criticized a lot. Most part of the Latin America region generally fell out of the U.S. foreign policy discourse. And it was almost not represented in the candidates programs and speeches. This suggests that real shifts in the Latin American direction of the U.S. foreign policy will not occur in the coming years.


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