Donald Trump’s Policy Toward Latin America As an Issue of the U.S. Political Struggle 2020: Candidates’ Election Programs

The U.S

Introduction. Donald Trump’s policy towards the Latin American region and illegal Latino migrants was often criticized by mass media. Many experts admit that over four years of his presidency U.S. cooperation with Latin American countries was severely “undermined”. This negative trend should have been the subject of discussion of candidates for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. The purpose of the article is to find out what aspects of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were used by the candidates in their campaign statements, for what he was criticized and praised. Methods and Materials. The research is based on the analysis of candidates’ election programs and speeches. Donald Trump’s annual messages to Congress are analyzed as well. The author researches the programs of those candidates who reached the final stage of the 2020 elections and those who were most popular at the beginning of 2020 but lost the primaries. In addition to general scientific research methods, the author uses methods of discourse analysis and comparative analysis. Analysis. Almost all the candidates criticized the policy of Donald Trump in different way. The main issues were President’s approaches to Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela and dealing with illegal immigrants. Trump’s policy didn’t receive explicit approval from any candidate. Among all the contenders for the post of U.S. President, only Joe Biden offered a more or less developed plan for establishing relations with the Central America countries. Results. The author showers that main directions of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were not criticized. But the methods of this policy were criticized a lot. Most part of the Latin America region generally fell out of the U.S. foreign policy discourse. And it was almost not represented in the candidates programs and speeches. This suggests that real shifts in the Latin American direction of the U.S. foreign policy will not occur in the coming years.

Political Development and Socioeconomic Development: The Case of Latin America

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1953438 ◽

1968 ◽

Vol 62 (3) ◽

pp. 889-897 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

Martin C. Needler

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Political Development ◽

Socioeconomic Development ◽

Military Intervention ◽

Past History ◽

Developed Countries ◽

History Of ◽

The Subject ◽

One way of acquiring insight into the processes of political development in Latin America is to compare the countries of the area systematically in terms of the “degree of development” which each can be said to have attained. Ideally, such an enterprise can lead to the understanding of the past history of the “more developed” countries by reference to the present problems of the “less developed” while an understanding of the problems confronting the more developed countries can make possible a glimpse into the future of those now less developed. Isolation of the factors responsible for a state's being more or less developed can moreover prove instructive for the understanding of the relations between political and socioeconomic phenomena.Perhaps most important, such comparisons provide the means for holding constant effects attributable to characteristics shared by all, or nearly all, of the Latin American countries. Thus it can be argued with much plausibility that military intervention in politics, say, derives from elements in the Hispanic tradition. Yet it is clear that the frequency of military intervention varies from country to country, even where they share equally in that tradidition. Thus one is forced to go beyond the “Hispanic tradition” thesis with which the investigation might otherwise have come to rest.In the present article I will be concerned with the problem of the relation of political development to socioeconomic development in the Latin American context. For reasons that will become apparent below, I will not at this point attempt a rigorous analysis of the concept of political development, which has already been the subject of a large and rapidly growing literature.

Dollars for Pesos? The Political-Economy of Dollarization in Latin America

Brazilian Journal of Political Economy ◽

10.1590/0101-31572001-1250 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 21 (1) ◽

pp. 65-81

Author(s):

PAMELA K. STARR

Keyword(s):

Political Economy ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Policy Choice ◽

The Political ◽

Economic Factors ◽

Policy Debate ◽

The Subject ◽

Stable Growth ◽

ABSTRACT The capacity of dollarization to generate stable growth in Latin America despite occasional instability in the international financial system has been the subject of significant economic analysis in recent years. Yet very little attention has been afforded to the politics of the issue. This paper attempts to fill this void by looking at both the political and the economic factors which influence the policy effectiveness of dollarization. The paper reviews the theoretic and policy debate within which the dollarization question is situated and then develops an informal model of the political and economic variables which influence the viability of dollarization. It concludes that although dollarization may be the correct policy choice for some Latin American countries, it is unlikely to benefit the majority. Most Latin American countries would benefit more from directly addressing the forces know to promote economic instability.

Atoms for Peace in Latin America

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.317 ◽

2016 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Gisela Mateos ◽

Edna Suárez-Díaz

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

Technical Assistance ◽

The United States ◽

Nuclear Industry ◽

Atomic Energy ◽

The U.S

On December 8, 1953, in the midst of increasing nuclear weapons testing and geopolitical polarization, United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower launched the Atoms for Peace initiative. More than a pacifist program, the initiative is nowadays seen as an essential piece in the U.S. defense strategy and foreign policy at the beginning of the Cold War. As such, it pursued several ambitious goals, and Latin America was an ideal target for most of them: to create political allies, to ease fears of the deadly atomic energy while fostering receptive attitudes towards nuclear technologies, to control and avoid development of nuclear weapons outside the United States and its allies, and to open or redirect markets for the new nuclear industry. The U.S. Department of State, through the Foreign Operations Administration, acted in concert with several domestic and foreign middle-range actors, including people at national nuclear commissions, universities, and industrial funds, to implement programs of regional technical assistance, education and training, and technological transfer. Latin American countries were classified according to their stage of nuclear development, with Brazil at the top and Argentina and Mexico belonging to the group of “countries worthy of attention.” Nuclear programs often intersected with development projects in other areas, such as agriculture and public health. Moreover, Eisenhower’s initiative required the recruitment of local actors, natural resources and infrastructures, governmental funding, and standardized (but localized techno-scientific) practices from Latin American countries. As Atoms for Peace took shape, it began to rely on newly created multilateral and regional agencies, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of the United Nations and the Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (IANEC) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Nevertheless, as seen from Latin America, the implementation of atomic energy for peaceful purposes was reinterpreted in different ways in each country. This fact produced different outcomes, depending on the political, economic, and techno-scientific expectations and interventions of the actors involved. It provided, therefore, an opportunity to create local scientific elites and infrastructure. Finally, the peaceful uses of atomic energy allowed the countries in the region to develop national and international political discourses framing the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean signed in Tlatelolco, Mexico City, in 1967, which made Latin America the first atomic weapons–free populated zone in the world.

The Great Feminist Battle of Montevideo

Feminism for the Americas ◽

10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0005 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 96-119

Author(s):

Katherine M. Marino

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Latin American ◽

Economic Justice ◽

Equal Rights ◽

Spanish Speaking ◽

The Great Depression ◽

Franklin Delano Roosevelt ◽

The U.S

The chapter explores how tensions over Doris Stevens’s leadership exploded at the 1933 Seventh International Conference of American States in Montevideo, where Bertha Lutz launched serious challenges against her. There, Lutz allied with representatives from the U.S. State Department and U.S. Women’s and Children’s Bureaus in the new administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, including Sophonisba Breckinridge, who also opposed Stevens’s leadership of the Commission. The conflict between Stevens’s “equal rights” feminism, focused on political and civil rights, versus an inter-American feminism that also encompassed social and economic justice, became even more pronounced in the wake of the Great Depression, Chaco War, and revolutions throughout Latin America. Feminist debates took center stage in Montevideo. There, Lutz promoted women’s social and economic concerns. But her assumptions of U.S./Brazilian exceptionalism prevented her from effectively allying with growing numbers of Spanish-speaking Latin American feminists who opposed Stevens’s vision. The 1933 conference pushed forward the Commission’s treaties for women’s rights, and four Latin American countries signed the Equal Rights Treaty. It also inspired more behind-the-scenes organizing by various Latin American feminists and statesmen, including the formation of a new group, the Unión de Mujeres Americanas, that would later bear fruit.

Latin America: Farewell to Dependency

World Economy and International Relations ◽

10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-85-94 ◽

2015 ◽

pp. 85-94

Author(s):

V. Krasil’shchikov

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Endogenous Development ◽

Left Wing ◽

Left Turn ◽

Social Actors ◽

Knowledge Based ◽

The 1960S ◽

Almost All ◽

The paper deals with the problem of dependent development and conservative modernization in Latin America. Whereas external dependency has been the permanent feature of Latin American development since colonial times, conservative modernization can be treated as the essential effect of this development. Almost all significant reforms in Latin American countries began earlier than the own premises for them could mature, because they were the obliged responses to the external challenges and shocks the continent underwent. The social actors of those reforms were often interested in adaptation of the obsolete socioeconomic structures and relationships to the changed external conditions instead of their destruction and genuine social renewal. The cases of authoritarian modernizations in the Southern Cone countries in the 1960s–80s clearly illustrated such attempts of the ruling groups to go forward whilst looking back. The neoliberal reforms of the 1990s demonstrated, at first glance, continuation of this practice being a form of modernisation for the upper classes’ advantages. Meanwhile, as the author argues, these reforms were actually a “swan song” of conservative modernization in Latin America. The “left turn” of the next decade did not abolish external dependency of Latin American countries, but created some important premises for the rise of internally rooted impulses to endogenous development. The new social actors of this development, such as various NGOs and left-wing movements, began to emerge in Latin America. They propose own programmes of transition towards a knowledge-based, innovative economy. This phenomenon allows to suppose that some Latin American countries have real chances for technological breakthroughs in the future, and it will be the genuine deliverance from the model of a dependent, imitative development.

OIL AND GAS FACTOR IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF LATIN AMERICA

Visnyk of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv Geology ◽

10.17721/1728-2713.86.04 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 27-33

Author(s):

O. Tkach ◽

V. Tsvykh ◽

M. Khylko ◽

O. Batrymenko ◽

D. Nelipa

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

Latin America ◽

Research Methods ◽

Latin American ◽

Oil And Gas ◽

The United States ◽

Energy Resources ◽

Formulation of the problem. The authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the oil and gas complex and their role in the foreign policy of the Latin American states, policies of the use of oil and gas resources as a tool for enhancing influence in the region, as well as the functioning of multilateral oil supply agreements. The possibilities of realization of joint energy projects in Latin America are analyzed. The presence of oil and gas in the region has always been used as a political tool. The United States' reliance on Middle Eastern oil and the carbon emissions produced by the surging demand for fossil fuels in Asia tend to dominate discussions about the role of energy in U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, the energy relationship between the United States and Latin America has perhaps become more important than other issues, as the largest share of the United States international trade and investment in the energy sector has occurred within the Western Hemisphere. Purpose of the researchis to study the role of the oil and gas complex in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The oil and gas complex plays an important role in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The Latin American energy market is quite attractive to transnational energy companies due to the huge volumes of cheap energy resources, the consumer market with growing energy demand. The energy markets of the Americas are deeply integrated. Despite the shale boom, which led to a sharp increase in U.S. oil production and a drop in imports, the United States still relies on Latin America for more than 30 percent of the oil it buys from abroad. The gas and gas complex part of the geological section is characterized by a similar lithological composition and the underlying rocks, containing oil and gas in industrial volumes. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of immigration policy strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. The article of analysis. Latin America, a growing importer of U.S. natural gas and the largest market for U.S., makes refined petroleum products, such as gasoline. American oil companies and utilities are big investors in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, helping to develop the energy resources of all those countries. In Brazil, the United States direct investment in oil and gas extraction reached $2,4 billion in 2015; in Mexico, the figure was $420 million. Washington's financing and technical cooperation programs have further helped the development of new energy resources in the region. U.S. institutions and funds back up clean energy investments and provide regulatory and technical guidance to tap the region's shale fields.

GASTO PÚBLICO Y CRECIMIENTO EN AMÉRICA LATINA: LA LEY DE WAGNER Y LA HIPÓTESIS DE KEYNES

Investigación Económica ◽

10.22201/fe.01851667p.2021.316.76314 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 80 (316) ◽

pp. 109

Author(s):

Eduardo Ramírez Cedillo ◽

Francisco López Herrera

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Public Spending ◽

Short Term ◽

The Subject ◽

America Latina ◽

The Relationship ◽

Se analiza la relación del crecimiento económico con el gasto público de 16 países latinoamericanos de 1990 a 2017. Este trabajo contribuye a la literatura sobre el tema enfocándose en la región. Los resultados de un modelo para paneles cointegrados respaldan la ley de Wagner en el largo plazo y brindan evidencia parcial a favor de las hipótesis de Keynes en el corto plazo. PUBLIC SPENDING AND GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA:WAGNER´S LAW AND KEYNES’S HYPOTHESISABSTRACTThe relationship between economic growth and public spending in 16 Latin American countries from 1990 to 2017 is analyzed. This paper contributes to the literature on the subject focusing on the region. The results from a model of cointegrated panels support Wagner’s Law in the long term and provides partial evidence in favor of the Keynesian hypotheses in the short term.

Main Sources of Chinese "Soft Power" in Latin America in the Modern Era

Bulletin of Kemerovo State University ◽

10.21603/2078-8975-2019-21-4-907-914 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 21 (4) ◽

pp. 907-914

Author(s):

M. I. Garbart

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Soft Power ◽

Chinese Foreign Policy ◽

Chinese Government ◽

Important Place ◽

The Usa ◽

Modern Era ◽

The article covers the fundamentals of Chinese "soft power" in Latin America. "Soft power" now takes an important place in Chinese foreign strategy, both the international level and in Latin America. The author describes the main features of international relations between China and Latin-American countries. The paper focuses on the main sources of formation of positive image of China in the region. The study revealed that Chinese "soft power" has significantly strengthened in the region in recent years. At the same time, the author notes that it is still much weaker than that of the USA. In modern conditions, Chinese government is likely to seek more active application of new forms of international cooperation, promotion of "soft power" being one of them. The methodology of the research was based on the systematic approach, which means considering Chinese "soft power" as a part of the whole foreign policy of China. Theoretical and practical relevance of the study consists in that fact that it creates a basis for further research on this issue. The results can be used to forecast the development of Chinese foreign policy strategy, as well as to study the complex of relations between China and Latin American states.

Urban Squatting in Latin America: Relevance of ‘Guided Occupancy’

Open House International ◽

10.1108/ohi-03-2012-b0004 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 37 (3) ◽

pp. 28-37

Author(s):

Belén Gesto ◽

Guillermo Gómez ◽

Julián Salas

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Research Team ◽

Front Page ◽

National Legislation ◽

Universal Solution ◽

The Subject ◽

Formed Part ◽

The City ◽

While the illegal occupation of land by families lacking the means to acquire housing on the market is hardly front page news in Latin America, it may not merit the silence to which it has been relegated of late. The authors, who formed part of a research team on the subject, conclude that urban squatting is still very common today. The team found that most Latin American countries are amending their municipal, provincial and national legislation in this regard and backing programmes for consolidation and improvement. In a nutshell, they are adopting a more tolerant attitude toward squatting. The authors believe that the Guided Occupancy Programme successfully implemented by the city of Trujillo, Peru, for over a decade, constitutes an exemplary approach to the problem. While not necessarily constituting a universal solution, it can be viewed as a viable and reproducible alternative in situations of widespread poverty.

E-Government in Latin American Cities

Latin America Online ◽

10.4018/978-1-59140-974-8.ch008 ◽

2011 ◽

pp. 226-246

Author(s):

Marc Holzer ◽

Tony Carrizales ◽

Richard Schwester

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Citizen Participation ◽

Latin American ◽

Index Score ◽

Privacy And Security ◽

Latin American Region ◽

Digital Governance ◽

American Cities ◽

American Region

This chapter examines e-government practices in Latin American cities. Emphasis is placed on five areas: privacy and security, usability, content, services, and citizen participation. In Digital Governance in Municipalities Worldwide, Holzer and Kim (2004) evaluated e-government in the largest municipality in each of 100 countries. Included in this study were the largest cities in 15 Latin American countries. This chapter focuses on these 15 cities, highlighting those that received the highest overall index score. In addition, five cities with above-average scores in the five e-government component areas are assessed. Although this chapter does not take into consideration all e-government practices in Latin America, it does provide benchmark cases for cities in the Latin American region.