scholarly journals For Japan, Better Late than Never

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
William Gerding ◽  
Zach Montague

The Japanese general election on August 30, 2009 ousted the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had governed almost uninterrupted for 54 years. In its place rose the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and its leading man Yukio Hatoyama. What follows is a brief profile of the DPJ’s main economic challenges and policies, succeeded by the chief points of contention in the DPJ’s interpretation of Japan’s alliance with the US, the invariable focus of which is military. Now, Japan finds itself at a crucial junction to reassert itself as a regional leader in Asia, whether military or civilian, and it can only do this gracefully by maintaining a relatively undisturbed rapport with the US in economic and military matters. Japan also needs to increase its presence in the Asian economies and, possibly, Asian military affairs, a policy that the US would condone.

Significance The governing coalition led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) made gains, with the LDP itself now controlling exactly half the seats in the chamber. Parties in favour of revising Japan's Constitution captured the two-thirds supermajority necessary to call a referendum on the question for the first time ever. Impacts An economic stimulus package is likely soon. Parliamentary opposition to relocation of the US Futenma airbase has strengthened -- a setback for Japan-US relations. New foreign policy initiatives are likely in the near future. Cooperation among opposition parties paid off, and may become more common in future.


Subject A profile of Shigeru Ishiba. Significance Ishiba was runner-up to Abe in the 2012 leadership contest for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and since then has positioned himself to replace Abe as party leader and prime minister should Abe's popularity falter. A poll last month showed that 20.4% of the public wanted Ishiba as prime minister compared with Abe's 19.7%, a dramatic swing since December, when Abe had 34.5% and Ishiba just 10.9%. Impacts Security policy is Ishiba's strength; he has well-developed views and a good sense of what is realistic. Ishiba's critique of Abenomics is lucid, but he has yet to offer a clear alternative. Washington would likely welcome an Ishiba government since he has good connections in the US defence establishment. Ishiba's Christianity may also win him points in Washington.


Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Christensen

Japan's Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro has attempted to reform both Japan's economy and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. Despite his party's landslide victory in the 2005 election, Koizumi's political reforms are unlikely to have a lasting impact on either party or electoral politics.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-330
Author(s):  
JUNKO HIROSE

The general election in November 2003 and the Upper House election in July 2004 indicate that the Japanese politics is going from a one party dominant toward a two major party system. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) narrowly keeps a majority in both Houses by merging the New Conservative Party and by forming a coalition with New Komeito.


Asian Survey ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-625
Author(s):  
Matthew Carlson

Abstract This article argues that the use of campaign finance regulations and electoral rules by political parties significantly shaped the results of the 2005 general election and the battle over postal privatization in Japan. How the Liberal Democratic Party responds to the reverberations of the conflict between the so-called ““rebels”” and ““assassins”” is likely to affect its electoral fortunes in the next lower house election.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-64
Author(s):  
Takashi Inoguchi

THE GENERAL ELECTION IN JAPAN OF OCTOBER 1996 brought back the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to a position of predominance, if not preponderance, in the House of Representatives. Out of 500 seats, the LDP acquired 239, while the second largest New Frontier Party (FNP) won 156, the newly-formed Democratic Party 52, the Communist Party 26, the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ) 15, and the Sakigake New Party two seats. Prior to the general election, the LDP, the SDPJ and the Sakigake had cooperated in a coalition government with 211, 30 and 9 seats, respectively. After the election, the LDP formed a minority government without making a formal coalition arrangement with the much enfeebled SDPJ and Sakigake. Why was the LDP able to make this sort of comeback? Why have ‘reformist parties’, starting with the New Japan Party, the Renewal Party, the New Frontier Party and most recently the Democratic Party, experienced such a brief period of increased power before their fall (or stagnation)? These are the questions that this article addresses in describing and explaining Japanese politics today.


Subject The results of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. Significance The Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly elections held on July 2 resulted in a massive endorsement for Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike and amounted to a serious blow for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Allied with the Komeito party, Koike's group now controls the assembly. This is the worst ever result for Abe's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in a Tokyo election, worse even than the 38 seats it got in July 2009 shortly before the LDP lost power in the general election later that year. Impacts Koike can now bargain harder with the central government over the Olympics and other issues requiring central-local cooperation. The election has exposed the main opposition Democratic Party's failure to exploit LDP weakness effectively. The dominance of local parties in three major cities is unlikely to translate into a new force in parliamentary politics.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-276
Author(s):  
F. Quei Quo

For many reasons the June election was unusual. To begin with, it was the first time in twenty-seven years that a general election was called due to the passage of a ‘vote of non-confidence’ in the House of Commons.Moreover, it was a ‘double election’ as the regular triennial election of the House of Councillors was scheduled for the same time. Most uniquely, it was also the first time in Japan's electoral history that an incumbent Prime Minister died in office while in the course of the campaign. Finally, it was seen as the first serious opportunity for the combined opposition forces to terminate the uninterruped one-party rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (hereafter referred to as the LDP) since 1955. Results of the election and the subsequent choice of Suzuki Zenko as the Prime Minister surprised not only observers but also the ‘insiders’ ofJapanese politics. This paper attempts to: (1) elaborate on the background that led to the election; (2) illustrate and analyze the electoral facts; and (3) examine their implications for Japan's party politics in the 1980s.


Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

Case studies of Indonesia and Japan illustrate that party-system stability in patronage democracies is deeply affected by the relative autonomy of political brokers. Over the course of a decade, a series of decentralizing reforms in Indonesia weakened patronage-based parties hold on power, with the 2014 election ultimately being a contest between two rival populists: Joko Widodo and Subianto Prabowo. Although Japan was a patronage democracy throughout the twentieth century, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) remained robust to outsider appeals even in the context of economic and corruption crises. However, reforms in the 1990s weakened the hold of central factional leaders over individual members of the LDP and their patronage machines. This was instrumental to populist Junichiro Koizumi’s winning of the presidency of the LDP and ultimately the prime ministership of Japan. This chapter also reexamines canonical cases of populism in Latin America.


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