scholarly journals Rate of forgetting is independent of initial degree of learning

Author(s):  
Karim Rivera-Lares ◽  
Robert Logie ◽  
Alan Baddeley ◽  
Sergio Della Sala

AbstractIt is commonly assumed that the rate of forgetting depends on initial degree of learning. Hence, comparison of forgetting across groups is usually carried out equating initial performance. However, these matching procedures add confounding variables. In four experiments, following Slamecka and McElree (1983, Exp 3), we challenge this assumption through manipulating initial acquisition by varying the number of presentations of the material and studying the effect on rate of subsequent forgetting. A set of 36 sentences was presented either visually or auditorily. Different participants were exposed to the material two, four or six times. Forgetting was measured by means of a cued recall test at three time-intervals (30 s, 1 day and 1 week in experiments 1 and 2; 30 s, 1 day, and 3 days in experiments 3 and 4). A different subset of 12 sentences was tested at each delay. The outcome of these experiments showed that the initial acquisition depends on number of learning trials. However, the rate of forgetting proved to be independent of initial acquisition. This pattern remains constant across modalities of presentation and of the number of learning trials. The conclusion is that forgetting does not depend on initial acquisition.

1963 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-398
Author(s):  
Austin Jones ◽  
Melvin Manis ◽  
Bernard Weiner

Three studies were conducted to assess the effects of subliminal reinforcements on learning. In the first two, Ss were given a discrimination task in which five geometric forms, repeated over 100 trials, were to be assigned to one of two categories. The categories were unbalanced; four geometric forms comprised one category, the remaining form the other. Response was required on each trial. Immediately after each response, the appropriate reinforcing word, “Right” or “Wrong,” was flashed at a subliminal brightness-contrast In Exp. I, under low motivation (without money incentives), Ss showed no learning of the correct discrimination, nor any evidence of probability learning with respect to relative frequency of stimulus categories. In Exp. II, the above procedure was replicated with money as the incentive. There again was no evidence of discrimination learning, i.e., acquisition of the correct response. There was, however, a significant linear trend ( p < .05) in the proportion of responses made to the more frequent stimulus category; Ss showed an increasing tendency to “match” the relative frequency of their two classes of response with the corresponding two stimulus classes. In Exp. III, Ss who were motivated by a money incentive attempted to guess whether E was thinking of an odd or an even number. Following each response, Ss were reinforced by tachistoscopic presentation of the word “Right” or “Wrong,” at time intervals which were too brief to permit recognition; half of the Ss were positively reinforced for emitting the response “Odd,” and half for the response “Even.” After 100 learning trials had been completed, the reinforcement contingencies were switched for an additional 20 trials, e.g., Ss who had been reinforced for “Odd” were now reinforced for “Even.” Ss in Exp. III showed no evidence of probability learning. Some possible explanations for the conflicting results of Exps. II and III were discussed.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vencislav Popov ◽  
Qiong Zhang ◽  
Griffin Koch ◽  
Regina Calloway ◽  
Marc N Coutanche

We provide new evidence concerning two opposing views of episodic associations: The independent associations hypothesis (IAH) posits that associations are unidirectional and separately modifiable links (A→B and A←B); the associative symmetry hypothesis (ASH), to the contrary, considers the association to be a holistic conjunction of A and B representations. While existing literature focuses on tests that compare the equality and correlation of forward and backward associations and favors ASH over IAH, we provide the first direct evidence of IAH by showing that forward and backward associations are separately modifiable for semantically related pairs. In two experiments, participants studied 30 semantically unrelated and 30 semantically related pairs intermixed in a single list, and then performed a series of up to eight cued-recall test cycles. All pairs were tested in each cycle, and the testing direction (A-? or B-?) alternated between cycles. Consistent with prior research, unrelated pairs exhibited associative symmetry – accuracy and response times improved gradually on each test, suggesting that testing in both directions strengthened the same association. In contrast, semantically related pairs exhibited a stair-like pattern, where performance did not change from odd to even tests when the test direction changed; it only improved between tests of the same direction. We conclude that episodic associations can have either a holistic representation (ASH) or separate directional representations (IAH), depending on the semantic relatedness of their constituent items.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de Lima ◽  
Sebastião Venâncio ◽  
Júlia Feminella ◽  
Luciano Grüdtner Buratto

Abstract Retrieving information by testing improves subsequent retention more than restudy, a phenomenon known as the retrieval practice effect. According to the retrieval effort hypothesis (REH), difficult items require more retrieval effort than easier items and, consequently, should benefit more from retrieval practice. In two experiments, we tested this prediction. Participants learned sets of easy and difficult Swahili–Portuguese word pairs (study phase) and repeatedly restudied half of these items and repeatedly retrieval practiced the other half (practice phase). Forty-eight hours later, they took a cued-recall test (final test phase). In both experiments, we replicated both the retrieval practice and the item difficulty effects. In Experiment 1 (N = 51), we found a greater retrieval practice effect for easy items, MDifference = .26, SD = .17, than for difficult items, MDifference = .19, SD = .19, t(50) = 2.01, p = .05, d = 0.28. In Experiment 2 (N = 28), we found a nonsignificant trend—F(1, 27) = 2.86, p = .10, $$ {\upeta}_{\mathrm{p}}^2 $$ = .10—toward a greater retrieval practice effect for difficult items, MDifference = .28, SD = .22, than for easy items, MDifference = .18, SD = .21. This was especially true for individuals who benefit from retrieval practice (difficult: MDifference = .32, SD = .18; easy: MDifference = .20, SD = .20), t(24) = –2.08, p = .05, d = –0.42. The results provide no clear evidence for the REH and are discussed in relation to current accounts of the retrieval practice effect.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. S19-S19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudine Berr ◽  
Marie Sarazin ◽  
Colette Fabrigoule ◽  
Bernard Michel ◽  
Jocelyne De Rotrou ◽  
...  

2006 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 826-830 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shana K. Carpenter ◽  
Harold Pashler ◽  
Edward Vul
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. S271-S271
Author(s):  
Jong Chul Youn ◽  
Eun Hee Park ◽  
Chan Seung Jung ◽  
So Ae Lee
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (9) ◽  
pp. 1161-1168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Butler ◽  
Franklin M. Zaromb ◽  
Keith B. Lyle ◽  
Henry L. Roediger

Popular history films sometimes contain major historical inaccuracies. Two experiments investigated how watching such films influences people's ability to remember associated texts. Subjects watched film clips and studied texts about various historical topics. Whereas the texts contained only correct information, the film clips contained both correct information (consistent with the text) and misinformation (contradicted by the text). Before watching each clip, subjects received a specific warning, a general warning, or no warning about the misinformation. One week later, they returned for a cued-recall test about the texts. Watching a film clip increased correct recall of consistent information relative to recall of the same information when subjects did not see the clip. However, when the information in the film contradicted the text, subjects often (falsely) recalled misinformation from the film. The specific warning substantially reduced this misinformation effect. Teachers should use popular history films with caution and should warn students about major inaccuracies in the films.


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