scholarly journals Gradable epistemic modals, probability, and scale structure

2015 ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Daniel Lassiter

The epistemic modals possible, probable, likely, and certain require a semantics which explains their behavior both as modal operators and as gradable adjectives. An analysis of these items in terms of Kennedy & McNally's theory of gradability suggests that they are associated with a single, fully closed scale of possibility. An implementation using the standard theory of modality due to Kratzer is shown to make incorrect predictions in several domains. However, if the scale of possibility is identified with standard numerical probability, the facts about gradability are explained and the undesirable predictions of Kratzer's theory are avoided.

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Lassiter

The epistemic modals possible, probable, likely, and certain require a semantics which explains their behavior both as modal operators and as gradable adjectives. An analysis of these items in terms of Kennedy & McNally's theory of gradability suggests that they are associated with a single, fully closed scale of possibility. An implementation using the standard theory of modality due to Kratzer is shown to make incorrect predictions in several domains. However, if the scale of possibility is identified with standard numerical probability, the facts about gradability are explained and the undesirable predictions of Kratzer's theory are avoided.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Wenchao LI

This paper discusses adjective distribution in Mongolian based upon the mereological framework: scale structure. It investigates how adjectival complements are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectival predicates (APs) in resultative constructions as well as direct perception expressions. The findings reveal that Mongolian only tolerates inherent resultatives; derived resultatives are ruled out. The acceptability of adjectival complements in inherent resultatives runs from 'Totally open-scale/Totally closed-scale' down to 'Lower closed/Upper closed-scale'. On the other hand, adjectival complements in direct perception expressions are of no diverse acceptability, i.e. all layers of APs are licensed. Furthermore, durative verbs are likely to yield open-scale APs whilst punctual verbs seem to favour closed-scale APs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wenchao Li

<p class="1"><span lang="X-NONE">This paper provides a scale-based semantics for resultatives in Japanese, Chinese and German, in an effort to arrive at: how adjectival complements and verbs in resultative constructions show sensitivity to the scalar structure. The findings reveal that Japanese accepts both open and closed-scale adjectives but disallows atelic verbs in resultatives. It appears that both telic and atelic verbs are welcome by Chinese resultatives. Adjectival complements in German resultatives are of no diverse distribution, i.e. both open and closed-scale APs are allowed to indicate a result in inherent resultatives and derived resultatives. </span><span lang="X-NONE">However, German verbs show sensitivity to the scalar property. The conclusion that one can draw here is that Japanese tends to be a </span><span lang="X-NONE">‘BECOME-focused’ language, with the encoding of resutlatives arriving at morph-syntactic level. </span><span lang="X-NONE">German, on the other hand, is likely to be a ‘BE AT-focused’ language. There is no restriction towards adjectives, but verbs show sensitivity to the scalar structure. Chinese is also a ‘BE AT-focused’ language, with resultatives mainly facilitated via syntax. Moreover, neither verbs nor adjectives are sensitive to the scalar structure. </span></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez ◽  
Silvia Gumiel-Molina ◽  
Norberto Moreno-Quibén

The goal of this paper is to provide both a description and an explanation of the combination of minimizers (ligeramente 'slightly') with gradable adjectives in Spanish. According to Kennedy & McNally (2005) these elements are degree items that are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectives and are combined with closed scale, minimum standard adjectives. Unexpected combinations, according to this semantics, are considered as cases of coercion. In this paper we propose that minimizers create derived adjectives. They are modifiers of the adjective's granularity, which allow the selection of the standard of comparison to take into account a greater number of degree distinctions. From this proposal, this article shows that unexpected combinations of ligeramente with gradable adjectives, such as un cine ligeramente lleno ‘a slightly crowded cinema’, can be explained without the need to propose that a coercion process takes place.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
M. Ryan Bochnak

This paper proposes a unified analysis of scalar modifiers across the adjec- tival, nominal and verbal domains, with a special focus on the proportional modifier half in English. I claim that half has a scalar meaning in all the environments in which it appears. Specifically, I show that in partitive and event-modifying uses, half targets a quantity-based scale whose scale structure crucially depends on the part structure of a nominal argument, just like many adjectival cases. To formalize the analysis, I extend the degree-based analysis of Kennedy & McNally (2005) for gradable adjectives to partitives and VPs headed by incremental theme verbs, with some discussion of compounding uses of half with both nouns and verbs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Wenchao LI

This study re-classifies Chinese monosyllabic adjectives and verbs in light of ‘scale structure’. It examines how various adjectives are associated with different scalar layers of verbs. The investigation focuses upon direct perception expressions and resultatives. The finding reveals that the closed-scale perceptual verb jiàn ‘see’ does not tolerate open-scale APs. This is because, (a) syntactically, Chinese perception verb complements do not represent a result state as the AP-complement is encoded into the perception verb root; (b) semantically, jiàn ‘see’ not only represent an accomplishment predication but contributes to a potential indirect perception, describing the observer’s evaluation of the perceived event.kàn ‘look’ is open-scale and is likely to render a direct perception report. The degree of kàn’s associations with different APs runs from ‘Totally open-scale AP’, down to ‘Upper closed-scale AP’, ‘Lower closed-scale AP’, ‘Totally closed-scale AP’. Resultatives seem to welcome all layers of adjectives. Various APs may match with a transitive verb, an unergative verb, a light verb or an unaccusative verb. This is down to the fact that, resultative complements are framed outside the verb roots and thus, do not receive restriction from the verb. 


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Edward Matthew Husband

The scale structure of adjectives, whether an adjective measures on an open or closed scale, has certain grammatical consequences and is traditionally captured by encoding scale structure into an adjective’s lexical representation and projecting it into the grammar. However, adjectives can exhibit scalar variability, suggesting that scale structure is not projected from the lexicon, but instead is constructed by the adjective’s structural environment. I review a recent analysis of adjectival scale structure, observing that an economy condition with a single pos morpheme requires polysemy for these variable-behavior adjectives, and propose that splitting the pos morpheme and severing scale structure from the adjective captures scalar variability within a unified lexical entry without economy.


2015 ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Stephanie Solt ◽  
Nicole Gotzner

Semantic theories differ in the role they assume for degrees in the interpretation of gradable adjectives, and in the assumptions they make about the nature of degrees and the structure of the scales they comprise. We report on two experiments investigating speakers' use of gradable adjectives across varying contexts, with the goal of gaining insight into the nature of the degree ontology underlying their semantics. We find that the truth conditions for the positive form must be stated in terms of degrees rather than rankings of individuals, and further that the relevant scale structure is one where distances between scale points are meaningful, and not an ordinal scale derived from an ordering relation on a comparison class. We also find no evidence that scale structure depends on the presence or absence of a corresponding system of numerical measures.


2015 ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
M. Ryan Bochnak

This paper proposes a unified analysis of scalar modifiers across the adjec- tival, nominal and verbal domains, with a special focus on the proportional modifier half in English. I claim that half has a scalar meaning in all the environments in which it appears. Specifically, I show that in partitive and event-modifying uses, half targets a quantity-based scale whose scale structure crucially depends on the part structure of a nominal argument, just like many adjectival cases. To formalize the analysis, I extend the degree-based analysis of Kennedy & McNally (2005) for gradable adjectives to partitives and VPs headed by incremental theme verbs, with some discussion of compounding uses of half with both nouns and verbs.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document