scholarly journals Revisit adjective distribution in Chinese

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Wenchao LI

This study re-classifies Chinese monosyllabic adjectives and verbs in light of ‘scale structure’. It examines how various adjectives are associated with different scalar layers of verbs. The investigation focuses upon direct perception expressions and resultatives. The finding reveals that the closed-scale perceptual verb jiàn ‘see’ does not tolerate open-scale APs. This is because, (a) syntactically, Chinese perception verb complements do not represent a result state as the AP-complement is encoded into the perception verb root; (b) semantically, jiàn ‘see’ not only represent an accomplishment predication but contributes to a potential indirect perception, describing the observer’s evaluation of the perceived event.kàn ‘look’ is open-scale and is likely to render a direct perception report. The degree of kàn’s associations with different APs runs from ‘Totally open-scale AP’, down to ‘Upper closed-scale AP’, ‘Lower closed-scale AP’, ‘Totally closed-scale AP’. Resultatives seem to welcome all layers of adjectives. Various APs may match with a transitive verb, an unergative verb, a light verb or an unaccusative verb. This is down to the fact that, resultative complements are framed outside the verb roots and thus, do not receive restriction from the verb. 

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Wenchao LI

This paper discusses adjective distribution in Mongolian based upon the mereological framework: scale structure. It investigates how adjectival complements are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectival predicates (APs) in resultative constructions as well as direct perception expressions. The findings reveal that Mongolian only tolerates inherent resultatives; derived resultatives are ruled out. The acceptability of adjectival complements in inherent resultatives runs from 'Totally open-scale/Totally closed-scale' down to 'Lower closed/Upper closed-scale'. On the other hand, adjectival complements in direct perception expressions are of no diverse acceptability, i.e. all layers of APs are licensed. Furthermore, durative verbs are likely to yield open-scale APs whilst punctual verbs seem to favour closed-scale APs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wenchao Li

<p class="1"><span lang="X-NONE">This paper provides a scale-based semantics for resultatives in Japanese, Chinese and German, in an effort to arrive at: how adjectival complements and verbs in resultative constructions show sensitivity to the scalar structure. The findings reveal that Japanese accepts both open and closed-scale adjectives but disallows atelic verbs in resultatives. It appears that both telic and atelic verbs are welcome by Chinese resultatives. Adjectival complements in German resultatives are of no diverse distribution, i.e. both open and closed-scale APs are allowed to indicate a result in inherent resultatives and derived resultatives. </span><span lang="X-NONE">However, German verbs show sensitivity to the scalar property. The conclusion that one can draw here is that Japanese tends to be a </span><span lang="X-NONE">‘BECOME-focused’ language, with the encoding of resutlatives arriving at morph-syntactic level. </span><span lang="X-NONE">German, on the other hand, is likely to be a ‘BE AT-focused’ language. There is no restriction towards adjectives, but verbs show sensitivity to the scalar structure. Chinese is also a ‘BE AT-focused’ language, with resultatives mainly facilitated via syntax. Moreover, neither verbs nor adjectives are sensitive to the scalar structure. </span></p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Wenchao Li

<p>This paper tackles the adjective distribution in two different languages, Altaic language: Japanese and Sino-Tibetan language: Chinese. The findings bring us to the point that Japanese direct perception expression tolerates both open-scale and closed-scale adjectives. Chinese direct perception expression only licenses ‘totally open-scale adjectives’ and rule out ‘upper closed-scale adjectives’, ‘totally closed-scale adjectives’, ‘lower closed-scale adjectives’. The failure of Chinese closed-scale AP in direct perception expression lies in that the perception verb <em>jian </em>‘to see’ is subjective. Open-scale adjectival perception verb complements in German and Chinese may invite temporary predications only by the addition of syntactic context, thus enabling the German/Chinese perception verb <em>sehen</em>, <em>kanjian /</em><em>jian</em> to make a conceptualisation of the perceived event, offering an ‘evaluation’ or ‘interpretation’.  </p>


2015 ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Daniel Lassiter

The epistemic modals possible, probable, likely, and certain require a semantics which explains their behavior both as modal operators and as gradable adjectives. An analysis of these items in terms of Kennedy & McNally's theory of gradability suggests that they are associated with a single, fully closed scale of possibility. An implementation using the standard theory of modality due to Kratzer is shown to make incorrect predictions in several domains. However, if the scale of possibility is identified with standard numerical probability, the facts about gradability are explained and the undesirable predictions of Kratzer's theory are avoided.


Author(s):  
Osamu Hieda

Kumam is a Western Nilotic language that is spoken in central Uganda. This chapter focuses on the formation of a double downstep high tone, the function of middle sentences, and evidentiality in complementation. Kumam is a tone language with a low and a high toneme, exhibiting a double downstep high tone as a feature. Aspect (imperfective vs. perfective) is marked obligatorily with a suprasegmental morpheme, while tense is not marked in verbal complexes. Tense is expressed lexically. Kumam has no passivization, but middle sentences function as a passive equivalent instead. Kumam has two types of complementation, “paratactic” and “hypotactic”, that are different syntactically and semantically. For instance, when perception verbs are followed by a “paratactic” clause, they express direct perception. When they are followed by a “hypotactic” clause, they express indirect perception. There is the relationship between the complement types and evidentiality.


2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason S. McCarley ◽  
Gregory J. DiGirolamo

Norman's aim to reconcile two longstanding and seemingly opposed philosophies of perception, the constructivist and the ecological, by casting them as approaches to complementary subsystems within the visual brain is laudable. Unfortunately, Norman overreaches in attempting to equate direct perception with dorsal/unconscious visual processing and indirect perception with ventral/conscious visual processing. Even a cursory review suggests that the functional and neural segregation of direct and indirect perception is not as clear as the target article would suggest.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Edward Matthew Husband

The scale structure of adjectives, whether an adjective measures on an open or closed scale, has certain grammatical consequences and is traditionally captured by encoding scale structure into an adjective’s lexical representation and projecting it into the grammar. However, adjectives can exhibit scalar variability, suggesting that scale structure is not projected from the lexicon, but instead is constructed by the adjective’s structural environment. I review a recent analysis of adjectival scale structure, observing that an economy condition with a single pos morpheme requires polysemy for these variable-behavior adjectives, and propose that splitting the pos morpheme and severing scale structure from the adjective captures scalar variability within a unified lexical entry without economy.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Lassiter

The epistemic modals possible, probable, likely, and certain require a semantics which explains their behavior both as modal operators and as gradable adjectives. An analysis of these items in terms of Kennedy & McNally's theory of gradability suggests that they are associated with a single, fully closed scale of possibility. An implementation using the standard theory of modality due to Kratzer is shown to make incorrect predictions in several domains. However, if the scale of possibility is identified with standard numerical probability, the facts about gradability are explained and the undesirable predictions of Kratzer's theory are avoided.


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