Represent an issue as open: Mandarin discourse particle ba

Semantics and Linguistic Theory ◽

10.3765/salt.v30i0.4832 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 30 ◽

pp. 523

Author(s):

Yu'an Yang

Keyword(s):

Lexical Ambiguity ◽

Final Particle ◽

Discourse Context ◽

Discourse Particle ◽

Strong Contrast

The Mandarin sentence final particle ba has been described as expressing uncertainty or soliciting agreement in declaratives ("weakening" an assertion, Han 1995, Li 2006 a.o.). However, ba-interrogatives appear to be "strengthening" a question to a demand: "you must answer this question," similar to the cornering effects associated with or not questions (Biezma 2009 a.o.). To account for this "weak" and "strong" contrast, some have postulated a lexical ambiguity: ba1 in declaratives and ba2 in interrogatives (Chao 1968, Zhu 1999). In this paper, I discuss new data showing that ba-declaratives are not always less forceful and ba-interrogatives are not always more forceful than their unmarked counterparts, which challenges current theories. I propose that, uniformly, the use of ba represents an issue as open. The "weak" and "strong" effects are results of ba interacting with the discourse context.

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Evidentiality in interaction

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.39.1.03ahn ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 39 (1) ◽

pp. 46-84 ◽

Cited By ~ 11

Author(s):

Mikyung Ahn ◽

Foong Ha Yap

Keyword(s):

Main Clause ◽

New Paradigm ◽

Matrix Clause ◽

Final Particle ◽

Discourse Context ◽

Wide Range ◽

Complement Clause ◽

Using Data ◽

Semantic Scope

This paper examines how hearsay evidential markers in Korean are used within the pragmatic domain to serve a wide range of epistemic and politeness functions. In particular, we focus on a new paradigm of hearsay evidential markers — more specifically, the V-ta ha-X > V-ta-X type, among them -tako, -tamye, -tamyense, -tanun, and -tanta (see Ahn & Yap 2014) — and using data from the Sejong Contemporary Spoken Corpus, we examine the extended uses of these hearsay evidential markers in natural conversations, and show how these ‘say’-derived evidential markers contribute to the expression of different shades of speaker stance. Special attention is also given to their distinctive roles in modulating the strength — as well as pragmatic nuance — of an epistemic claim. This study also examines the role of main-clause ellipsis, in particular its contribution to the reanalysis of the (quoted) complement clause as a stand-alone ‘new main clause’, and the concomitant reinterpretation of the erstwhile ha ‘say’ complement-taking matrix clause as a sentence final particle that often retains an evidential reading but also captures the pragmatic nuance of its discourse context. The findings of this study contribute to a fuller understanding of how ‘say’-derived evidential constructions in Korean (and potentially also in other languages) extend their semantic scope to develop into markers of speakers’ subjective and intersubjective/interpersonal stance.

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The use of LE 了 in Mandarin Chinese oral discourse

Chinese Language & Discourse ◽

10.1075/cld.00033.li ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Xiaoshi Li ◽

Wenjing Li ◽

Yaqiong Cui

Keyword(s):

Multivariate Analysis ◽

Sentence Type ◽

Oral Discourse ◽

Final Particle ◽

Discourse Context ◽

Classroom Speech ◽

Serial Verb ◽

Aspect Marker ◽

Perfective Aspect Marker ◽

Teacher Classroom

Abstract LE is the mostly widely studied aspect markers in Chinese. In addition to perfective aspect marker to indicate action completion, LE can also serve as sentence final particle to indicate a currently relevant state. This study investigates how Chinese NSs use LE in oral discourse and the factors that influence their use. The data were collected from three discourses including informal conversations, elicited narratives, and teacher classroom speech. Multivariate analysis of 2,359 tokens revealed that verb complement type and verb type have the strongest effects, followed by LE position, serial verb relationship, sentence type, discourse context, and time word presence/absence.

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Resolving the paradox of Singapore English hor

English World-Wide ◽

10.1075/eww.30.3.01kim ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 30 (3) ◽

pp. 241-261 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Chonghyuck Kim ◽

Lionel Wee

Keyword(s):

Illocutionary Force ◽

Discourse Context ◽

Discourse Particle ◽

Deontic Authority

In this paper, we present paradoxical properties of the discourse particle hor in Singapore English and attempt to resolve them. Hor has been described as an attenuator of illocutionary force, which is used to convert statements and commands into questions and requests. We provide a new observation that it can also be used as a booster of illocutionary force to make strong statements and demands. We claim that these paradoxical properties are consequences of hor’s nature to mark a nonstandard discourse context in which there is an asymmetry in epistemic or deontic authority between speaker and hearer vis-à-vis a proposition. In a context where epistemic / deontic authority for a proposition lies with the speaker, hor serves as a booster of illocutionary force. In a context where such authority rests with the hearer, hor serves as an attenuator.

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