Examining Workflows and Redefining Roles: Auburn University and The College of New Jersey

2021 ◽  
pp. 279-283
Author(s):  
Mi Jia ◽  
Paula Sullenger ◽  
Pat Loghry
Author(s):  
P. C. Kemeny

“I have hitherto discouraged all proposals to make Princeton College a university,” President McCosh told the trustees in June of 1885. “I am of the opinion,” he went on to announce, “that the time has now come for considering the question.” Seizing the momentum from what many in Princeton considered a victorious debate with Harvard’s Charles W. Eliot, McCosh launched a formal campaign to make the College of New Jersey a university. He promised that his forthcoming paper, “What an American University Should Be,” would fully explain how and why the board should take this next logical “step” in the institution’s development. Although this was the first time that he officially broached the subject with the trustees, McCosh had long been laying the groundwork to build what he considered would be the crowning achievement of his presidency. With regard to this ambition, the trustees’ minutes preceding this announcement reveal a calculated plan by McCosh to convince the board that the college was making exceptional progress toward becoming a university. He would begin by winning the board’s approval for a particular reform or a new program on the grounds that it was essential if the institution was to advance its civic mission like its rivals, Harvard and Yale. Then, within a year or two, he would proclaim the reform or program a remarkable educational success and a major benefit to American society. The reorganization of biblical instruction in 1876 illustrates this process. Although McCosh had promised the Princeton community in his inaugural address that he harbored no plans to “revolutionize your American colleges or to reconstruct them after a European model,” the College of New Jersey experienced a gradual evolution toward becoming a university under McCosh’s leadership. Spurring consistent improvements in the faculty, curricula, and campus, McCosh led the college out of its antebellum educational doldrums, and, by 1885, he was ready, like his peers at Harvard and Yale, to lead his college into the promised land of American universities.


Author(s):  
Richard J. Kahn

Barker relates some unusual cases such as empyema (pus between lung and chest wall) in a fifty-five-year-old minister who was treated, drained, and lived for an additional thirty-eight years. A president of the College of New Jersey (later Princeton University) who had long-standing lung symptoms wrote a letter stating that he was such a devotee of venesection that he bought himself a lancet for self-treatment. In 1811 Barker’s twenty-five-year-old daughter, Eliza, daughter of a consumptive mother, developed chest pain, hacking cough, fever, and wasting. She received standard treatment by a physician acquaintance but rejected her father’s and a consultant’s suggestion to be bled. Eliza deteriorated, finally agreed to be bled, and was cured after five months of symptoms. She married in June and was doing well twenty years later. In Barker’s opinion, prevention should focus on proper clothing for women for “If the breast is left open to facilitate the entrance of Cupid’s darts, it affords a more certain mark for the envenomed shafts of the grisly king of terrors” (Joseph Young, 1809).


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-275
Author(s):  
DAVIS A. YOUNG

ABSTRACT The first documented geology lectures at Princeton were given in 1825 by John Finch (circa 1790–circa 1835), an English visitor to the United States. In the 1830s, John Torrey (1796–1873) delivered a few geology and mineralogy lectures at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), but Joseph Henry (1797–1878), Professor of Natural Philosophy at the College of New Jersey from 1832 to 1848, introduced the first repeated geology course. In the 1830s, the College of New Jersey instituted a handful of short courses on topics outside of the regular curriculum. Geology was assigned to Henry, owing to his geological experience with Amos Eaton (1776–1842) along the recently opened Erie Canal. Henry taught geology for the first time in August 1841, repeated the course in 1843, 1846, and 1847, and probably also in 1844, 1845, 1850, and 1851. Henry typically focused on geophysical aspects of Earth, such as internal heat and Laplace's nebular hypothesis. He also discussed the geologic time scale from Primitive to Alluvium and Diluvium with descriptions of rock types and fossil content of each group. The final lecture was normally devoted to paleontology. Henry relied on Eaton and Edward Hitchcock (1793–1864) for much of his information and took advantage of published cross-sections to explain structural features. The content and timing of the various offerings is reconstructed from Henry's various lecture notes, dated correspondence, and three student notebooks. The impact of Henry's course on students, himself, and the Smithsonian Institution is evaluated.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-122
Author(s):  
CHARLES BRADFORD BOW

This essay considers how American Enlightenment moralists and Evangelical religious revivalists responded to “Jacobinism” at the College of New Jersey, which later became Princeton University, from 1800 through 1817. At this time, disruptive student activities exemplified alleged American “Jacobin” conspiracies against civil society. The American response to “Jacobins” brought out tensions between two different competing intellectual currents at the College of New Jersey: a revival of Christian religious principles led by Princeton trustee Reverend Ashbel Green and, in contrast, the expansion of Samuel Stanhope Smith's system of moral education during his tenure as college president from 1795 through 1812. As a moralist, Smith appealed to Scottish Common Sense philosophy in teaching the instinctive “rules of duty” as a way to correct unrestrained “passions” and moderate “Jacobin” radicalism. In doing so, Smith developed a moral quasi-relativism as an original feature of his moral philosophy and contribution to American Enlightenment intellectual culture. Green and like-minded religious revivalists saw Princeton student uprisings as Smith's failure to properly address irreligion. This essay shows the ways in which “Jacobinism” and then the emerging age of religious revivalism, known as the Second Great Awakening, arrived at the cost of Smith's “Didactic Enlightenment” at Princeton.


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