The Anthropology of Peace and Reconciliation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Eltringham
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadiehezka Paola Palencia Tejedor

This work focuses on a compared analysis of the South Afri- can decision related to the “peace and reconciliation act” of this country’s Parliament, and the Colombian decision regarding the amendment of the constitution called “The juridical framework for the peace.” Turning to the structure, it is developed in three major topics: 1. It provides a brief of the historical context, political background and an overview of the two decisions.2. It gives a structural analysis of the powers that each Court has and the nature of the constitutional mechanism through which both Courts decided the constitutionality of the said norms 3. It presents a critical analysis on the similarities and differences between the two systems and judgments. It presents some con- clusions. 


Author(s):  
Alexander Laban Hinton

This Preamble to Part II describes the reenactment at Tuol Sleng prison by Duch and participants as a part of the ECCC’s evidence gathering, and peace and reconciliation process. It introduces chapters on the lived experience of Cambodians who participated in ECCC.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 853-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Walters

The 1997 Russian law on religion recognizes Orthodoxy, Islam, Judaism, and Buddhism as the “traditional religions” of Russia. These religions see themselves as having an important role to play in achieving social stability, and particularly in overcoming religious “extremism” and the perceived threat it poses to society. “Traditional'” religions stand shoulder to shoulder, explaining that the values they champion tend towards the creation and preservation of peace and reconciliation in society, and that, moreover, these are shared values, common to all “traditional'‘ religions. Indeed, the primary criterion for identifying a “traditional'” religion in Russia today may be that it is “noncompetitive” with other religions. The Moscow Patriarchate rejects the idea, for example, that Orthodox Christians should proselytize among Muslims. The fact that each religion sees itself as having possession of the “truth” does not endanger the cooperation, harmony and mutual respect among the traditional religions in Russia at the level of official and institutional interaction. Regarding the controversy over the school textbook, Foundations of Orthodox Culture, which human rights activists accused of constituting pro-Orthodox propaganda, an Orthodox priest and a Muslim chief mufti filed a joint claim against those who initiated the case, and a Protestant leader came out in support of the use of the textbook in the public schools.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (S1-Dec2020) ◽  
pp. 34-36
Author(s):  
Anu Chandran ◽  
P Nagaraj

Peace education is an emerging field of study that has attained full acceptance in many countries, and is on its way towards development in many other parts of the world. The world is becoming more of an unsafe place to live in. There are threats in many forms against survival. Peace has become devoid in the day to day lives of people in all spheres of society, culture, politics and economics. Therefore it is essential to impart knowledge about peace and reconciliation post conflict, as that would help build a nonviolent approach towards conflict, and encourage to develop skills and values promoting reconciliation, and nonviolence. Once the right knowledge, skills and values are transmitted, transformation begins as people understand the root cause of conflicts and explore ways to address the challenges. Peace education is both educating on the peace content as well as educating for peace. The paper discusses the objectives of peace education and how it can be implemented as an effectualacademic discourse either by integrating it within the curriculum or through extramural activities. It also looks into the challenges and possibilities of a higher learning that shapes the mind and spirit of the learners as much as their intellect.


Grotiana ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-303
Author(s):  
Camilla Boisen

Abstract This article investigates the formal purpose of declaring wars for Hugo Grotius. Grotius was adamant that states always use justification in a duplicitous way to conceal their real motivation to go to war. As such, the purpose of declaration is not to assert the just cause of war. Rather, what any public declaration does, is provide recognition that confers legal validation to the disputing parties. The legal rules of war were described by the law of nations and occasionally permitted states to commit certain ‘war crimes’ with impunity. For Grotius, this was not a moral sanctioning of such crimes but rather a means to prevent the occurrence of wars, which such endless repudiations risked causing or exacerbating. Grotius’s concern for the effects of war is conspicuous; and recounting his maxim that war should always be a last resort, this article argues that declaration of war has a distinct moral purpose for Grotius. In fact, public declaration of war is, together with constraints on the conduct of war, a ‘principle of moderation’ Grotius insists should be upheld in times of war. Declaration of war gives the parties avenues to seek peace and reconciliation, and, therefore has a humanitarian purpose for Grotius by ultimately seeking to prevent the disparaging effects of war. Even in wars that do not demand a public declaration, such as those regulated by natural law such as punitive wars or defensive wars, Grotius cautions that declarations of war are advisable. The remaining lingering issue is how to engage with unlawful enemy combatants, such as pirates - a distinct problem that the international community still faces with increasing regularity. Grotius was certainly aware of the legal (and moral) consequences of recognising belligerency we cannot possible hope to build moral relations with, and, this article claims, ‘unlawful’ enemies ultimately demarcates the boundary of international society.


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