moral order
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2022 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 11-44
Author(s):  
Paul Lample

The disintegration of the old world order is increasingly evident in the inability of human beings to resolve their differences, as manifested in intractable disputes about knowledge, politics, morals, and economics. In the face of such challenges, the Bahá’í Faith seeks to unite humanity in the search for truth and the building of a just and peaceful world. The purpose of this paper is to explore how Bahá’ís expect to achieve these aims through the conscious and active transformation of the moral order—not by force or coercion but by example, persuasion, consensus, and cooperation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110570
Author(s):  
Mihai Varga ◽  
Aron Buzogány

Studies of the Global Right usually trace its intellectual underpinnings to the revolutionary conservative New Right and its ideas claiming to defend an ‘ethno-pluralist’ European identity from the multiculturalist threat of a ‘Great Replacement’ through immigration. A second lineage, which we refer to as ‘national-conservative’, is less explored and is more concerned with threats to moral order and the loss of moral bearing due to liberalism’s relativism. These two intellectual lineages, and corresponding political alignments, engender different political projects of the Global Right, which is not that coherent as it seems. Taking a long-term historical-ideational perspective that underlines the power of ideologies as templates, we argue that a closer look at the different intellectual traditions of the Global Right can help explain the contrasting political preferences for socio-economic action, institution-building and transnational cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1523-1532
Author(s):  
Kaharuddin Syah ◽  
Abdul Malik

Background: Corrupt behaviour in Indonesia is increasingly becoming a culture, which is undoubtedly destructive to the economy and moral order of the nation. Corruption has become a chronic disease in the country, which requires serious treatment, especially by the state. Objective: Building an anti-corruption culture is a genuine and sustained intention; such an effort should be spearheaded y the government. Instilling an understanding that corruption is a despicable act based on religious and social norms which are not ethical. However, corruption’s complexity and its modes or categories have kept on the increase along with the vast power of the state in regulating social life. Various attempts have been made by all the previous governments, but they cannot free the country from the tsunami of corruption. Approach: Though the various policies and law enforcement models have been put in place, corruption persists today. The strategy of building an anti-corruption legal culture should be continuously promoted, in securing a corruption-free future for Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 672-689
Author(s):  
Joanna Thornborrow ◽  
Mats Ekström ◽  
Marianna Patrona

This paper focuses on the relationship between journalism and right wing populist discourses in the context of broadcast news interviews. We analyse a specific feature of question design in which the public is invoked as a source of opinionated positions in adversarial interviewing. Analysing data from a range of socio-political contexts, we identify a shift in adversarial questioning along a scale of ‘soft’ populism, that is the attribution of views and concerns to a generic public ‘in crisis’, to ‘hard’ populism, where interviewers construct hypothetical scenarios in which populist positions are attributed to ‘some people’. We argue that the democratic role of journalists as public watchdogs, holding politicians and public figures accountable on behalf of the public, is challenged by this normalisation of populist moral order discourses in a routine journalistic practice, both drawing on and contributing to the propagation of populist agendas and anti-democratic populist rhetoric.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174387212110541
Author(s):  
Kevin Vallier

Political philosophers are overwhelmingly liberal: freedom and equality are the fundamental political values. Yet, in much of the world, people adopt religious anti-liberalisms. States must bring people into harmony with the cosmic moral order, not protect their autonomy. In this essay, I argue against Catholic integralism, the most intellectually sophisticated and long-standing Christian anti-liberalism. Most people believe that we should treat peoples of all race, nationalities, and creeds as equals. But Catholic integralism treats people unequally according to their creed because it coercively privileges one creed above all others—its own. So integralism treats its citizens unfairly.


Author(s):  
Amaka Grace Nwuche ◽  
Goodluck Chinenye Kadiri ◽  
Ogechi Chiamaka Unachukwu

More often in political debates, participants do not readily expound their identities and attitudes; they employ language structure that requires the analysis of the placing of self/other in certain positions for comprehension. Hence, this study aims at exploring identity construction through positioning act strategies and the identities projected in the discourse practices by two vice presidential debate candidates in defining selves/others, parties’ stance and group categorization. The study used Langenhove and Harre (1999) positioning theory. The data for the study are delimited to five excerpts randomly selected from thirty-two online-transcribed discourses between two debate participants. Findings reveal that the candidates made use of first and second order performative and accountive positioning acts to implicate self/party’s moral order and positive stance and the other’s immoral attributes. The modes of positioning are moral, personal, intentional, deliberate self and other and forced self-positioning. The discursive practices involved are such that are strategically manipulated to divulge the individual’s attitudes to the socio-economic and political development of the nation, thereby portraying the following identities: Scrupulous, dogged, competent, loyalist and committed (self/group) identity and corrupt minded, incompetent, failure and uncommitted (others) identity. In conclusion, the knowledge of the concepts of positioning and its applicability to the understanding of political debates is essential for the understanding of the politicians’ ideologies and identities as well as their stance on the nation’s growth.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Alexander Paul Isiko ◽  
Paulous Serugo

Numerous studies on death in African societies with no doubt have been successfully conducted though their preoccupation has been with the religious and spirituality perspectives. There has been a great deal of theologizing about the spiritual connection between the life here and life after death. Most studies in the humanities have zeroed on burial rituals and rites as means of transition to the spiritual world. Others have concentrated on how different societies cope with the misfortune of death; through grieving, mourning, choosing an heir or heiress and the succession disputes that are always part and parcel of such a culturally acknowledged process. Death is largely constructed as a challenge and misfortune, and many a scholar in the humanities are concerned with how different societies define, perceive, handle and cope with this catastrophe. Most scholarly works have paid a deaf ear to the social value that comes with the demise of an individual. One such social value is the definition and shaping of moral order in society, in which death occurs. Busoga traditional society of Uganda is used as the case study. Busoga is both a geographical reality and cultural entity, found in the eastern part of Uganda. The authors argue that rather than militating life, death promotes and perpetuates moral values on one hand and discourages vices that destabilize society on the other.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Kristella Montiegel

Abstract This ethnographic study examines deaf or hard-of-hearing children's socialization in an oral classroom, a setting designed to promote spoken language as the primary mode of communication. Drawing from nine months of observations, I describe how the meanings assigned to children's vocalizations create a system of values and judgements that organizes and regulates classroom behavior. Specifically, vocalization itself is oriented to as a moral practice that is necessary for the mutual understanding and accomplishment of classroom activities. Informed by ethnomethodological and language-socialization perspectives, I illustrate how participants co-construct a local moral order wherein students are held accountable for ‘using their words’ to perform social actions. Analyses discuss three interactional contexts where moral issues are routinely constructed as contingent on and resolvable through vocalization—children's help-seeking, children's disputes, and negotiations of classroom participation—thereby shaping children's understanding of language use and reflecting broader institutional expectations and ideology regarding oral communication. (Moral order, preschool children, socialization)*


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