The Supranationalization of the Activities of the Iberian Trade Union Confederations: ETUC and the EU Institutional Framework

2018 ◽  
pp. 282-306
Author(s):  
José M. Magone
2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Sergejs Stacenko ◽  
Biruta Sloka

AbstractThe article will show major dimensions in the experience of EU Member States that could be shared with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. The framework of the study is the EU concept of trade unions in social dialogue and social partnership in the public sector. This study outlines the concept of social dialogue as a core element of industrial relations and will focus on industrial relations specifically in the public sector. The authors have elaborated the approach to industrial relations and social dialogue taking into account comparative approach to definitions provided by international institutions such as ILO and OECD, as well as institutions in the EU and Latvia. Latvia is also a case study for Eastern Partnership countries as these countries and their trade unions are in a transition period from socialist structures to structures that possess liberal economies. Trade unions in these countries are members of the International Trade Union Confederation. The major transformation that trade unions underwent from being part of the socialist system and becoming an independent institution since Latvia regained independence in 1991 has been studied. The paper discusses the current developments related to the position of Latvian Free Trade Union Federation in the system of decision-making process related to the public administration management. Finally, the prospective role of trade unions in the EU and in Latvia is analysed and possible revitalisation of trade union is discussed. This approach could be applied to the Eastern Partners of the EU.


2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (164) ◽  
pp. 81-102
Author(s):  
Theodore Theodoropoulos ◽  
Borut Vojinovic

This paper extends to test if the same short-run increase in cyclical volatility arising from financial integration is observed in this specific sample of "emerging markets". This work finds signs that, contrary to other emerging markets, this does not happen: for the future member states financial integration, similarly to the outcome observed in mature market economies, reduces cyclical volatility both in the short and in the long run. Weak indications are found that this may happen partially due to the anchoring of expectations provided by the EU Accession, and to the more robust institutional framework imposed by this process onto the countries in question.


Author(s):  
Oskar Niedermayer

The German party system has changed since the 1980s. The relatively stable ‘two-and-a-half party’ system of the 1960s and 1970s has become a fluid five-party system. This development can generally be attributed to changes on the demand and supply sides of party competition and to the changing institutional framework. The European integration process is part of this institutional framework and this chapter deals with the question of whether it has influenced the development of the party system at the national level. To systematically analyse the possible impact, eight party-system properties are distinguished: format, fragmentation, asymmetry, volatility, polarization, legitimacy, segmentation, and coalition stability. The analysis shows that one cannot speak of a Europeanization of the German party system in the sense of a considerable impact of the European integration process on its development. Up to now, the inclusion of Germany in the systemic context of the EU has not led to noticeable changes of party-system properties. On the demand side of party competition, this is due to the fact that the EU issue does not influence the citizens' electoral decisions. On the supply side, the lack of Europeanization can be explained mainly by the traditional, interest-based pro-European élite consensus, the low potential for political mobilization around European integration, and the marginal role of ethnocentrist–authoritarian parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Lovén Seldén

This article addresses recent developments in the debate on a European minimum wage and tries to shed light on the Swedish standpoint, which from a European perspective might be difficult to comprehend. The article argues that even though the ETUC secretariat has tried to find a balance among the member organisations regarding the EU initiative on a fair minimum wage, it is far from enough from a Swedish and Nordic perspective. Issues such as how to approach collective bargaining, how to think about minimum wages and the role of the government in industrial relations cause problems when unions that operate in relatively diverse institutional contexts try to cooperate. It is therefore likely that the EU minimum wage will continue to be at the core of European trade union discussions in the coming years. At the same time, institutional differences between countries are not the only factors determining union cooperation in Europe. Contextual factors also matter.


Significance The Central Electoral Commission has registered incumbent President Nursultan Nazarbayev as the candidate of the ruling NurOtan party. His candidacy is supported by two others, Ak Zhol and the Party of Patriots. The two other officially registered candidates are Turgun Syzdykov of the Communist People's Party of Kazakhstan, and the head of the Trade Union Federation, Abelgazi Kussainov (independent). The main unofficial reason for holding the election early is that Astana is worried about the economy and also needs to secure a stable political base in order to ward off any Russian adventurism in northern Kazakhstan. Impacts Nazarbayev's victory will further delay the succession, compounding long-term uncertainty about stability after his death. Nazarbayev will look to maintain close ties with Russia, but China and the EU will be his main economic partners. Following re-election, Nazarbayev will focus on economic issues and look to continue cutting spending.


Significance Without a dispute settlement mechanism in Swiss-EU relations, Switzerland has no legal leverage to defend its rights. Ironically, such a mechanism is the most controversial element of the institutional framework that Switzerland and the EU have been negotiating since 2014. Impacts If Bern dilutes labour market rules to secure EU concessions, this could prompt new alliances between Swiss left- and right-wing parties. Firms based in the EU will continue to be able to buy and sell titles on the Swiss stock exchange at least until end-2018. A new agreement (pending ratification) will allow 54 heavy-polluting Swiss firms to participate in the EU emission trading system. Joining the European Railway Agency will allow Bern to access technical assistance and facilitate Swiss train operations in the EU. If Bern abides by its plans to renew cohesion payments, new EU member states may obtain funding for vocational education projects.


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