Challenges posed by the EU minimum wage initiative to the ETUC and European trade union cooperation

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Lovén Seldén

This article addresses recent developments in the debate on a European minimum wage and tries to shed light on the Swedish standpoint, which from a European perspective might be difficult to comprehend. The article argues that even though the ETUC secretariat has tried to find a balance among the member organisations regarding the EU initiative on a fair minimum wage, it is far from enough from a Swedish and Nordic perspective. Issues such as how to approach collective bargaining, how to think about minimum wages and the role of the government in industrial relations cause problems when unions that operate in relatively diverse institutional contexts try to cooperate. It is therefore likely that the EU minimum wage will continue to be at the core of European trade union discussions in the coming years. At the same time, institutional differences between countries are not the only factors determining union cooperation in Europe. Contextual factors also matter.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Sergejs Stacenko ◽  
Biruta Sloka

AbstractThe article will show major dimensions in the experience of EU Member States that could be shared with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. The framework of the study is the EU concept of trade unions in social dialogue and social partnership in the public sector. This study outlines the concept of social dialogue as a core element of industrial relations and will focus on industrial relations specifically in the public sector. The authors have elaborated the approach to industrial relations and social dialogue taking into account comparative approach to definitions provided by international institutions such as ILO and OECD, as well as institutions in the EU and Latvia. Latvia is also a case study for Eastern Partnership countries as these countries and their trade unions are in a transition period from socialist structures to structures that possess liberal economies. Trade unions in these countries are members of the International Trade Union Confederation. The major transformation that trade unions underwent from being part of the socialist system and becoming an independent institution since Latvia regained independence in 1991 has been studied. The paper discusses the current developments related to the position of Latvian Free Trade Union Federation in the system of decision-making process related to the public administration management. Finally, the prospective role of trade unions in the EU and in Latvia is analysed and possible revitalisation of trade union is discussed. This approach could be applied to the Eastern Partners of the EU.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-257
Author(s):  
Denis Gregory

‘Partnership’ is a word that crops up with increasing frequency in government, trade union and management circles in the UK. For many it neatly embodies both the practice and sentiment of the so-called ‘third way’. In the workplace, a partnership approach to industrial relations has been offered as a neo-pluralist alternative to the unitarism of Human Resources Management. The Trades Union Congress (TUC) is an active proponent of partnership and the government has created a fund to support the development of partnership at the workplace. This article sketches some theoretical underpinning for the practice of partnership. To shed some light on the prospects for partnership it draws on recent UK experience and includes a case study of the development of a partnership between UNISON, the UK’s largest trade union, and Vertex Data Sciences, one of the fastest growing call centre operators in the UK.


Significance After accentuated rule-of-law erosion during 2017-19, the new government encouraged hopes that such violations would become a thing of the past. However, last month, the government sacked the ombudsman, while the Constitutional Court declared void a judgement of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) defending judicial independence. Impacts Recent developments erode hopes that last month’s positive CVM report will lead to Romania’s Schengen zone accession later this year. Failure to replace the ombudsman will not affect the coalition parties electorally, given the politicisation of rule-of-law issues. Subnational courts will be left confused whether to apply the Constitutional Court or the CJEU ruling to legal disciplinary cases.


1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Kollmorgen ◽  
Richard Naughton

The federal government has demonstrated that it supports moves to rationalize trade union structure by enacting legislation which allocates the parties in the industrial relations process different roles in transforming union coverage of workers and workplaces. The power to rewrite union eligibility rules under section 118A of the Industrial Relations Act 1988 provides the Australian Industrial Relations Commission with a direct role in the restructuring process, while the more permissive path towards trade union amalgamations now endorsed by the legislation allows the union movement itself an opportunity to hasten the reform process. The authors contend that the government has chosen to adopt a compromise model of reform by seeking to achieve change from within the existing centralized system. The paper analyzes the different legislative mechanisms, both to identify the capacity for change that currently exists within the Industrial Relations Act, and to assess whether they provide a suitable response to the challenges presently confronting the Australian industrial relations system.


2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Anderson ◽  
Thomas Brauns

<em>The Liberal National Party (‘LNP’) won 78 out of a possible 89 seats in Queensland’s 2012 state election. Facing a budget blowout, the new Government soon used its control of the state’s unicameral parliament to implement a contentious public sector reform agenda. The LNP’s amendments to Queensland’s employment laws struck at the very heart of many of the accepted ‘ground rules’ of industrial relations. Perhaps most signif-icantly, the Government used its parliamentary majority to remove job security commit-ments given to public servants, paving the way for the loss of thousands of jobs. This paper sets out the key industrial relations reforms adopted by the LNP. The authors dis-cuss the Government’s rationale for the changes, and the reaction from Queensland’s trade union movement. The article concludes with some general observations about the changes adopted during the LNP’s term of Government; a period which will undoubtedly be remembered as a controversial part of Queensland’s industrial relations history.</em>


2005 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Pauline Stanton ◽  
Tim Bartram

WHILE MANY COMMENTATORS are describing the Federal Government?s industrial relations reform package as radical or even revolutionary there is very little in it that is a complete surprise. Further reduction in the power of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC), greater simplification in the making of awards and agreements, an increase in anti-trade union legislation, and weakening of unfair dismissal provisions have been on the government?s wish list for some time. The move to a national industrial relations system has also been on the government?s agenda. The impact of these developments on the health industry is difficult to predict beyond saying that it appears to be a recipe for conflict and division. However, our main focus is not to discuss the detail and merits of the proposed changes but instead to ask whether these policies in any way address the major workforce issues facing the Australian health care sector in the twenty first century.


Significance The budget was the first Conservative-only budget since 1996. Driven by political as much as economic considerations, it aimed at entrenching the Conservatives in the political centre ground, in particular through the introduction of a statutory 'living wage' higher than the current minimum wage. The budget did not give priority to longer-term economic weaknesses, especially low productivity. However, the government is expected to address productivity in a follow-up package of supply-side measures today. Impacts Osborne's combination of welfare cuts with a minimum wage rise aims to increase incentives to work. However, it risks checking employment growth in low-wage industries. Osborne's introduction of the 'living wage' has discomforted the main opposition Labour Party. The two-part budget-plus-productivity-plan is a public showing for the important tandem of Osborne and new Business Secretary Sajid Javid. Any fresh Greece-related euro-area slowdown would hit UK export growth, stoking eurosceptic demands for weaker trade ties with the EU.


1999 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doug Miller

Early critiques of the new procedures for information and consultation within multinationals in the EU pose serious questions as to whether such structures have the potential for being either ‘European’ or a works council. This article attempts to clarify some of the dimensions of a transnationality which delegates would like to see prevail within their European works councils. Such elements as ‘a level playing field’; the EWC as a learning organisation, awareness of constituencies, solidarity and multilingualism and multiculturalism have been advanced as a key set of organisational features of a transnational worker body seeking to transcend national culture. The development of such values and practices may be achievable via a new trade union pedagogy: However, given the absence of any steer within the Directive on training the European trade union movement would appear to be at a critical juncture as the opportunity for a revision arises.


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