scholarly journals Kritike međunarodne zajednice prema Hrvatskoj 1995. – 1999.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 155-172
Author(s):  
Ana Radović Kapor ◽  
Vladimir Filipović

U članku se analiziraju kritike usmjerene prema Republici Hrvatskoj koje su dolazile iz međunarodne zajednice u razdoblju od završetka operacije Oluja 1995. do kraja 1999. Pojam međunarodna zajednica shvaćen je kao paradigmatski okvir unutar kojega se formira stanoviti dominantni narativ. Analizirana su izvješća koja su objavljivale različite institucije: OESS, Human Rights Watch, američki State Department. Uz to, analizirana je arhiva novina New York Times u predmetnom razdoblju kao primjer sukreatora javnog narativa. Članak je podijeljen prema temama kritike koje su uočene u istraženim izvorima: položaj Srba i povrat izbjeglica, ljudska i manjinska prava, medijske slobode, manjkavosti demokracije i provedba Daytonskog sporazuma.

2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-51
Author(s):  
Chris Hedges

In this no-holds-barred essay, former New York Times Middle East correspondent and Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Chris Hedges examines how the United States’ staunch support provides Israel with impunity to visit mayhem on a population which it subjugates and holds captive. Notwithstanding occasional and momentary criticism, the official U.S. cheerleading stance is not only an embarrassing spectacle, Hedges argues, it is also a violation of international law, and an illustration of the disfiguring and poisonous effect of the psychosis of permanent war characteristic of both countries. The author goes on to conclude that the reality of its actions against the Palestinians, both current and historical, exposes the fiction that Israel stands for the rule of law and human rights, and gives the lie to the myth of the Jewish state and that of its sponsor, the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-236
Author(s):  
Kevin L. Stoker

This study analyzes the behind-the-scenes correspondence, from 1928 to 1941, between the New York Times’ news executives and editors and John W. White, who served as the paper’s first Chief South American Correspondent. An analysis of the correspondence and White’s dispatches shows that interactions between news management, foreign governments, and the U.S. State Department influenced White’s writing to the point that he avoided writing about Argentina’s neighbors; provided more positive, “Pollyanna” material; and censored his own dispatches. The study provides further evidence that Arthur Hays Sulzberger meddled in the paper’s news coverage, even before he became Times publisher in 1935. The correspondence between Sulzberger and White also calls into question the romantic myth of the autonomous foreign correspondent, free to report without fear or favor. Instead, it shows that American foreign correspondents faced scrutiny not only from their news executives and editors but also from foreign governments, police officials, local newspapers, Nazi and Fascist spies, U.S. business interests, the State Department, and even the President of the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Major

This article examines the influence of national identity on coverage of human rights and international law. Based on a content analysis of New York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today’s coverage of torture at Abu Ghraib and the Obama administration’s expansion of drone warfare, it is argued that the news media largely protects the American identity by ignoring or marginalizing considerations of human rights and international law, despite these issues being central to the events. This research posits that the news media adheres to the Dan Rather Maxim named after long-time CBS news anchor, Dan Rather, who noted that in times of conflict the press tends to ‘follow the flag’. In other words, national identity informs and ultimately skews coverage of conflicts. This article adds to the existing scholarship on social and national identity biases in the news by giving primacy to international law and human rights frames during controversial periods. The content analysis finds that the actions of US political actors and institutions do not receive ample treatment when viewed through the lens of human rights and international humanitarian law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1283738
Author(s):  
Frédéric Krumbein ◽  
Agnieszka Stępińska

2002 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 90-98

On 7 March 2002, following a week of the most brutal occupation of Palestinian camps and towns that claimed around 90 Palestinian and 40 Israeli lives, the U nited States, under growing world pressure, decided to send its envoy, Gen. Anthony C. Zinni, back to Jerusalem to secure a cease-fire. Shortly thereafter, Pres. George W. Bush issued what the New York Times (15 March) called a "slap," "an unusually stern reprimand to Israel, saying its recent operations were 'not helpful' in creating conditions for peace." Prior to this rebuke, however, and starting from the spiraling violence that followed Israel's assassination of Hamas military leader Mahmud Abu Hanud on 23 November 2001, the United States was single-minded in its attribution of blame for the deteriorating situation to Palestinian Authority Leader Yasir Arafat. Some samples follow, excerpted from daily State Department and White House press briefings. The full texts are available on the State Department Web site at www.usinfo.state.gov.


Subject Institutional mistrust. Significance The New York Times on July 10 published claims that the Mexican government spied on international investigators from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), who were looking into the 2014 disappearance of 43 Ayotzinapa students in Iguala, Guerrero. The report builds on allegations reported on June 19, that local anti-corruption and human rights activists and journalists had been monitored using spyware sold only to governments for use against criminals or terrorists. Impacts While Pena Nieto may not have been directly responsible, the latest allegations will further undermine his already weak authority. A potential investigation by the IACHR or expulsion from the OGP would further weaken the government's credibility. The SNA will not be fully functional before the current administration ends in 2018.


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