The colonial roots of counter-insurgencies in international politics

There is a state-centrism in the way insurgencies are conceived in international politics. Herein, policy and practice targeting insurgencies draw on the long-established scholarly perception that war-making is the vocation of the state and that the violence of non-state insurgent factions is a source of insecurity. However, this state-centrism also has a colonial legacy and is an outgrowth of the colonial hostility towards anti-colonial factions. In this article, I establish the colonial roots of the current standing of insurgencies in international politics. Empirically, I focus on the European Union's (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). These efforts are largely premised on the notion that state-building is synonymous with peacebuilding and are focused on furbishing the state-like institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA). But, in doing so, this manner of peacebuilding also replicates the scholarly antagonism towards non-state armed factions and, with it, the logic of colonial counterinsurgencies, as it de-legitimizes the varied forms of insurgent politics that occur outside the institutional limits of the PA. In the end, it is not entirely surprising that this mode of engagement has not secured peace—especially since it is premised on a certain antagonism towards insurgent politics. Therefore, I conclude, a substantial understanding (and incorporation) of the political grievances that drive insurgent politics, and their appeal, is essential for effective peacebuilding.

The clearance crisis and its impact on the GDP in Palestine between the years (1997-2019): أزمة المقاصة وأثرها على الناتج المحلي الإجمالي في فلسطين ما بين الأعوام (1997-2019)

This study aimed to analyze the revenue of clearance tax in Palestine between the years (1997-2019), and to demonstrate the impact of the clearance tax crisis on the gross domestic product in Palestine. The study relied on the descriptive and analytical approach. And used the statistical analysis program STATA and SPSS 23, the study found that there is an effect of clearance revenues on GDP, and that an increase in one unit in clearing revenues leads to an increase of 4.319 unit in GDP, and that there are no statistically significant differences in GDP between the years that a crisis occurred and the years in which there was no crisis attributed to the clearance tax, and the study recommended reformulating economic understandings with Israel, the most important of which is the Paris Economic Protocol, and try to separate economically from Israel and push for the independence of the Palestinian economy, and reducing reliance on clearance tax revenues in financing the general budget due to the control of the Israeli occupation using it as a means of pressure on the Palestinian Authority.

Challenges of Human Resource Management in Palestine

The study investigated the challenges faced by the Palestinian Authority Institutions (PNA) in their practice of Human Resource Management. It adopted a qualitative approach based on a review of relevant literature to find out the major challenges handicapping the efforts to improve HRM in the West Bank in Palestine. The study reflected that with a specific focus on Palestine, the daily practice of HRM is a real challenge especially under the Israeli occupation and the different strategies Israel employs to destroy any improvement plans. The study showed that in the era of global technology, the Palestinian National Authority and its organisations in the West Bank are facing both internal and external challenges, namely the low organisational position of the management of human resources and its confinement to basic functions. In addition, the Procedural aspects, lack of planning and developmental aspects, and limitation of their practice in routine matters related to employment, calculation of salaries and dues, as well as follow-up and permits which constitute a significant challenge. Moreover, the external challenges include the Israeli occupation, which has a major role in these challenges as the occupation prevents public employees of different positions and deputies from reaching their workplaces by dividing the cities of Palestine, military checkpoints, and frequent arrests of ministers and legislators.

ANALYSING THE EFFORTS OF HAMAS FOR THE PALESTINIAN CAUSE

Here, we examine Hamas' involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and make recommendations for future action. Public sources and interviews with five contemporary Hamas officials living abroad are used to examine the group's triumphs and failures since its active involvement in the military battle against Israel and Palestinian politics against the other key actor, Fatah, since the beginning of its involvement. Because it was driven into Gaza by the Palestinian Authority and because international players have blocked humanitarian help from reaching Hamas-controlled Gaza, Hamas has fallen short of Palestinians' expectations in terms of military triumph against Israel. Since the people of Gaza have become disgruntled with Hamas' administration due to rising unemployment and the Israeli blockade and attacks, it is expected that Hamas would continue to fight, but that it may largely withdraw from politics because of thi

Conflict and cooperation in the age of COVID-19: the Israeli–Palestinian case

How do disasters influence conflict and diplomacy in conflict areas? The scholarship shows that while they can provide opportunities for cooperation and ‘disaster diplomacy’ between parties to a conflict, they can also intensify tension and hostility. This article uses the Israeli–Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study, exploring the impact of the crisis on relations between the rival parties and examining the conditions under which an ongoing pandemic might lead to either conflict or cooperation in a conflict area. The research is based on within-case analysis, comparing three conflict arenas: Israel–Palestinian Authority relations in the West Bank; relations between Israel and the Palestinian community in East Jerusalem; and Israel–Hamas government relations in the Gaza strip. The article outlines the possibilities and limitations of ‘disaster diplomacy’ in intractable conflicts and contributes to the literature by identifying how different contexts, relations and actors in each conflict arena affect the development of patterns of conflict and cooperation with regard to the pandemic. The study analyses the factors that shape how the pandemic affects the conflict, and the COVID-19-related diplomacy, in each sub-case, with attention to three main variables: the structure of the conflict arena, domestic politics and the developments in the pandemic. The analysis addresses the unique conditions of an ongoing global pandemic, as opposed to an isolated disaster event, and traces the changing impact of the pandemic on the conflict and on disaster-related cooperation at various stages.

Trade relations between the European Union and Palestine: Assessment and Potential improvements

This article examines the bilateral relationship between the European Union and the Palestinian Authority. The EU’s policy towards Palestine, as with other neighboring countries, has always closely linked the economic and political elements of the relationship. Besides financial aid to support Palestine’s socio-economic development and state-building, trade between the EU and Palestine has had an increasingly important role in this regard. The article reviews the possibilities for improvement of EU-Palestine trade exchanges within the existing framework of cooperation by illustrating how implementation, capacity building, and support for regional and global economic integration are key and realistic options for both parties to reap the benefits from the trade agreements in place.

Palestinian Authority aspirations are unrealistic

Headline PALESTINIANS: Fatah aspirations are unrealistic

The Palestinian Authority faces a risk of implosion

Headline PALESTINIANS: Palestinian Authority risks implosion

West Bank Areas A, B and C – How Did They Come into Being?

This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.