scholarly journals O ROMANCE DE FORMAÇÃO NERVOSO EM TSITSI DANGAREMBGA

Author(s):  
Lauro Iglesias Quadrado

Este artigo apresenta um estudo teórico-crítico do arco de desenvolvimento da personagem Tambudzai, protagonista do romance Nervous Conditions (1988), de autoria da escritora zimbabuana Tsitsi Dangarembga. O recorte reunido parte da ideia de subversão, por parte da autora, do romance de formação tradicional com bases em fundações romanescas europeias. Por fim, discutem-se as formas com que Dangarembga narra as tensões de uma história de amadurecimento e o que ela entrega a seu público leitor, em livro que amarra as contradições da experiência literária pós-colonial com a obra de estudiosos como Franco Moretti, Simon Hay e Frantz Fanon.

1988 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-136
Author(s):  
Troy Duster ◽  
David Wellman
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Carrol Clarkson

Carrol Clarkson’s chapter wrestles with the contentious question of Coetzee’s relation to the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa of the 1970s and early 1980s, which took its philosophical bearings from Frantz Fanon and found expression in the writings of Steve Biko. Clarkson focuses on the ways in which Coetzee departed from the ideas about writing and resistance that were circulating in his contemporary South Africa, particularly as articulated by novelist Nadine Gordimer. Clarkson discusses two related literary-critical problems: an ethics and politics of representation, and an ethics and politics of address, showing how Coetzee explores a tension between freedom of expression and responsibility to the other. In the slippage from saying to addressing we are led to further thought about modes and sites of consciousness—and hence accountabilities—in the interlocutory contact zones of the post-colony. The chapter invites a sharper appreciation of what a postcolonial philosophy might be.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110175
Author(s):  
Betty Jean Stoneman

Jean-Paul Sartre’s failures in Black Orpheus have been widely and rightly explicated by a number of theorists, most notably Frantz Fanon and Aimé Césaire. Sartre has rightly been criticized for imposing a white gaze onto his reading of colonized African poetry. It would seem that his work offers us no tools for anti-racist work today. For this article, I read his failures in the text alongside his work in The Imaginary and Being and Nothingness to argue that we can learn from his failures and that his failures do offer us conceptual tools for anti-racist work today. I argue that Sartre’s main contribution ought to be understood as a provocation to white people. He is provoking white people to confront how whiteness works in their imaginary. The imaginary is nothing but what one puts into it, and what one puts into it is imbued with the historical, social and cultural. The image is imbued with the individual’s experiences within a historical, social and cultural situation. If this is the case, then the confrontation with and critique of the image is a political act. In confronting and critiquing the image, one is confronting and critiquing the situation in which the image emerges. The hope is that in doing so, white people could transcend the facticity of their whiteness in particular situations for the better, which in turn would have positive consequences for the larger sociopolitical situation.


PMLA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 132 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-685
Author(s):  
Bethany Wiggin

My first encounter with Franco Moretti's work was “conjectures on world literature,” from which his book distant reading takes its title. The essay was first published in 2000 in the New Left Review, the original home of seven of the ten essays reprinted in Distant Reading. I happened across it in 2004 amid a fit of procrastination fueled by anxious uncertainty. I was unsure about how, or even whether, to revise a dissertation on popular novels in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Germany, many of which had been translated from the French. No one really knew much about them. They were miserably cataloged; generations of Prussian librarians had been ordered not to collect them—and to throw away any that had managed to take up shelf space in the first place. In 1795 the reactionary, antirepublican Johann Georg Heinzmann opined, “So lange die Welt stehet, sind keine Erscheinungen so merkwürdig gewesen als in Deutschland die Romanleserey und in Frankreich die Revolution” (“Since the beginning of time nothing was more noteworthy than the revolution in France and the reading of novels in Germany”; 139; my trans.). But an awful lot of these novels are now gone. Critics sometimes say they were read to shreds. And whereas Heinzmann—and generations of state and church censors before him—cared a great deal about the republican potential of German Romanleserey (“reading of novels”), I wasn't confident anyone did today.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-209
Author(s):  
Jeong Eun Annabel We

This article argues that the spirit of Bandung’s relevance in a time of resurgent fascist mobilization is in the new logic of movement that the 1955 Afro-Asian conference in Bandung, Indonesia espoused. The critiques of liberal humanism and its relation to fascism by Ernst Bloch, Takeuchi Yoshimi, and Aimé Césaire reveal that an underlying problem of coloniality and movement remain in current paradigm of liberalism. The article situates conceptual reworkings of colonial-fascist movement by the thinkers Takeuchi Yoshimi, Frantz Fanon, and Ch’oe In-Hun within the trajectory of the spirit of Bandung. Through this engagement, the article argues that the spirit of Bandung has called for revolutionary movement beyond the grids of colonial mobility in the transpacific.


Interventions ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Pirelli ◽  
Rachel E. Love

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Muhannad Ayyash

This article explores the paradoxical relationship between politics and violence in the concept of political violence. By examining the works of prominent theorists, such as Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon, the article highlights both the difficulty of separating politics and violence, and the improbability of formulating a harmonious relationship between them. Engaging with some of Michel Foucault’s work on power and violence, the article begins to formulate a theoretical approach that conceptualizes political violence in its inherently paradoxical condition.


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