The Xinhai Revolution in China on the Pages of the Samara Periodic Press

Introduction. This article describes the Xinhai Revolution in China. The authors, with the help of the Samara periodicals, highlighted the beginning, course and completion of the revolution, the activities of Sun Yatsen and Yuan Shikai, as well as the social aspects of this period. October 10, 2021, the legitimate successors of the Xinhai Revolution of the PRC and the Republic of China in Taiwan celebrate 110 years. The significance of the presented material is undoubted, since it is based on real historical sources – periodicals of 1911–1912. The purpose of the article is to determine the historical place of the Xinhai Revolution and its importance for the further history of China on the basis of newspaper materials. Materials and Methods. The most important in the study, based on the provisions formulated by the above authors, is the historical method, or, as it is also formulated, the principle of historicism. In carrying out this scientific research, the author relied primarily on special historical or general historical methods. Research Results. The study showed that starting with the Wuchansk uprising on October 10, 1911, metropolitan and provincial newspapers actively followed and published materials about the revolution. The outbreak of riots and uprisings in the provinces were reflected in detail by journalists and editors of Samara newspapers. The left-wing liberal party press, in contrast to the semi-official press, perceived the revolutionary movement of the popular masses in China positively. Discussion and Conclusion. Any revolution is always a large and controversial topic for scientific discussion. The Xinhai Revolution did not lead to the expected results, both among the people and among the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and the upper class. It was followed by further turmoil, which led first to the government of the Kuomintang, and then the Communists. It can be concluded that the theme of the Chinese Revolution of 1911–1912 is still relevant. The proposed provisions and conclusions create the prerequisites for further study of this problem.

Гуманитарные научные исследования в Бурятии в 1930–1940-е гг.: достижения и проблемы (на материалах Государственного института культуры / Государственного института языка, литературы и истории)

The article aims to analyze the principal directions in the activities of Buryat-Mongolian State Institute of Culture (1929–1936) / Buryat-Mongolian State Institute of Language, Literature and History (1936–1944), the successor of the first scientific organization in Burya­tia — the Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Committee (1922–1929). It focuses on the achievements and problems in the organization and implementation of scientific research in the humanities in the 1930s. Materials. The sources used are unpublished documents of the Center for Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the IMBT SB RAS, such as annual plans and reports on research work, minutes of meetings of the Directorate, expedition reports, presentations, abstracts and minutes of conferences, correspondence with various organizations and offices, and other materials that were instrumental in reconstructing the history of reorganizations of the scientific institute under study, in following the changes in its scientific program, and in showing its effectiveness and efficiency. Results. In the 1930–1940s, the studies in the field of history, language, literature, and arts of the Buryat-Mongolian people were the principal directions of research in the Institute. Archaeological expeditions were useful in drawing a general picture of the ancient history of Buryatia and the first cultural-historical schemes. Historians’ work resulted in publishing a significant number of documents devoted to the history of the Buryat-Mongolian people, the publications included materials on issues of the pre-revolutionary Buryat-Mongolia, the revolutionary movement and the Civil war period, culture, and education, including monographs on the history of Buryatia recognized today as classical scientific works. Within the framework of the established ideological attitudes, there was a discussion on controversial issues of the history of Buryat-Mongolia, which accepted the one-line nature of the historical process in Buryat studies. Thanks to the successes of Buryat linguistics, a reform of the Buryat-Mongolian writing was carried out, first based on the Latin, and then on the Cyrillic alphabet. The linguists of the Institute made a decisive contribution to the elaboration of the literary Buryat language, enriching its lexical resources and standardizing spelling and grammar. Collection, systematization and study of oral folk art and musical folklore, adding to the Manuscript Department of the Institute manuscripts and woodcuts in Tibetan, Mongolian, Buryat-Mongolian languages, as well as uligers, chronicles, and other historical and literary monuments, and translation work — these and other areas of scientific research shaped the development of the humanities in Buryatia in the 1930–1940s. Throughout the period of persecutions and repressions, despite personnel shortage and everyday hardships, the Institute’s team continued their work, conducting large-scale studies of the socio-political and economic history, the culture and art of Buryat-Mongolia.

“Turkey Will Be a Second France, Unless Our Demands Are Satisfied”: The Turkish Student Movement in the Long 1960s

The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.

Migration History of Iranians in the North Caucasus

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of mass migration of the Persian population to the Russian Empire in the 19th-early 20th centuries, its North Caucasian features. Iranians who migrated to Russia, at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. constituted an important part of the entire society in the North Caucasus. They participated in the development of industry and business life, in the revolutionary movement, preserving their own community, and interacted with Russian realities. The article analyzes the stages and characteristic features of the migration of the Persian population to the North Caucasus in the 19th century. after the conclusion of international treaties between Russia and Persia (Gulistan 1813, Turkmanchay 1828, Convention on the movement of subjects of both states in 1844). Taking into account the general determinants of migration, for the first time, the existing explanations for the emergence of migrant workers from Persia to the South of the Russian Empire in the English-language literature have been investigated. The origin of labor and social migration in Iran in the 19th century, its orientation towards the Caucasus and its broad consequences are considered in connection with social factors that arose under the influence of political events in Iran, which determined the historical conjuncture. In the study of the characteristics of the Persian resettlement and long-term residence in the settlements of the North Caucasus, the starting points, routes and accommodation of Iranian migrants in the Terek region are of great importance. The Terek region got into the migration history of Iranians as a result of the migration policy of Russia, its geographical location and the peculiarities of the developing economy, which provided more favorable and sparing working conditions. about a large number of Iranians who received passports at the consulates in Urmia and Tabriz. Unlike other movements of the Iranian population in the 19th century, the migration of Persians to Russia at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries had its own differences: it was characterized by regularity, the involvement of a significant number of people of different ages and genders, and was mainly caused by economic reasons. Developing trade relations, economic decline in Persia became the reasons for the ever-increasing migration of the Persians to the Russian borders.

Pius IX in 1846-1848 - the Liberal Pope?

The paper discusses the first years of the pontificate of Pius IX (1846-1878), when the newly elected head of the Catholic Church was perceived as a “liberal Pope”. On the one hand, in 1846-1848 Pius IX was the Pope who carried out reforms and announced an amnesty. On the other hand, in the same period he criticized rationalism and created censorship commissions. The paper is another attempt to answer the question whether Pius IX was indeed a “liberal” Pope at the beginning of his pontificate. Special attention is given to the Pope’s policy during 1847. It was the time when the Papal States’ population expected the continuation of the reform process. The paper raises the question of Cardinals’ impact on the Pope, as well as on the pace of reform in the Papal States. Another key issue is the response of Pius IX to the revolutionary movement in Italy. The author concludes with the significance of the Pope’s refusal to struggle against Austria for the further development of the process of Italian Unification.

The Green Movement in Iran: Reformist Roots and Objective

The protests that rocked the streets of Tehran and some other major Iranian cities in 2009, gradually coming to be known collectively as the Green Movement, were triggered after the official announcement of that year’s presidential election result. This article will demonstrate how key features of the Green Movement – including the mass participation of youth, women and university students – were rooted in sociopolitical changes that occurred in Iran in the late 1990s and 2000s. The article argues that the Green Movement should be viewed as a reformist movement which sought to implement certain reforms in Iranian society – an agenda also pursued by its leaders – rather than a revolutionary movement seeking to overthrow the Islamic Republic.

Akaki Tsereteli’s unknown letter about repressions of year 1906

Part of Akaki Tsereteli’s creative legacy is still spread in different foundations or private collections. Difficulty about finding these writings is that some documents in various binders do not have description. Currently foundations are intensively being studied in order to create digital catalogues and whenever this process is finished, many interesting documents will be displayed. “Burning down Imereti during movement” is one of Akaki’s public letters which remained unknown until today. It will be published after 115 years in corresponding value of the writer's new academic publication of his works. Manuscript is being held at Kutaisi’s historic museum.“Burning down Imereti during movement” is about revolutionary movements and its echoes in Georgia, which took place in the years 1905-1907. On the one hand it is a bold protest against King’s cruel policy; Also, the article contains Akaki Tsereteli’s especially significant observations and thoughts about ongoing political processes.In the first paragraph of the article there is a very interesting observation of the author. According to his words, the Russian empire from the very beginning intended absolute occupation and annexation of Georgia. According to that, the friendly condition which led King Irakli of Kartli-Kakheti to let Russians in our country without war and blood, was definitely going to break. Akaki thought that everything that was done by Russian governance in our country, was provocative and its goal was to drag Georgian people into armed conflict.Events occurred in 1905 led to logical conclusions. Georgian nobles decided to officially demand national autonomy. On their emergency gathering they created an appropriate document and presented it to the emperor. Surely, the empire would not let Georgia restore their autonomy. They needed a reason to finally destroy us and the reason found out to be that revolutionary movement which was widespread not only in Russia, but also its subordinate countries including Georgia.According to Akaki Tsereteli, a significant part of society was against Georgia’s partaking in revolt from the beginning. They had reasonable suspicion that if the revolutionary movement would be defeated, this would totally change the perspective of Georgian-Russian relationship. Unfortunately, following events proved the correctness of this assumption - Georgians were pled guilty for separatism and it led to very brutal repressions. The events that occurred in Georgia were outrageous for Akaki. That is why he makes fun of Russia in his article and boldly declares that the decision of the government - campaigning against unarmed and helpless people, is worthless and unseemly.

Ethnopolitical views of Grigory Ivanovich Borisov (Stary)

Grigory Ivanovich Borisov, party alias Stary (Old) was born in the Bendery district of Bessarabia on December 9, 1880. He was forced to work from the age of seven. Since 1900, G. I. Stary took part in the revolutionary movement. For active participation in clandestine activities, he was repeatedly arrested by the police and served sentences in various prisons of tsarist Russia. G. I. Stary made a great contribution to the creation and development of the Moldovan ASSR. In 1924, he was appointed chairman of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of the Autonomous Republic. Then G. I. Stary was elected chairman of the Central Executive Committee. In 1926–1928 and 1932–1937, he worked as chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the MASSR. Contemporaries assessed his position on the issue of “Moldovans or Romanians” as ambivalent. G. I. Stary denied accusations of opposing the indigenous policy: “It is wrong that I am against Moldovanization. I only take into account the difficulties, and this is taken as resistance”. He was repressed in 1937 and rehabilitated in 1955. The article was written on the basis of materials from the Soviet secret police (NKVD) archive.