The Aesthetic Regime of Representation

2018 ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
David Lloyd

“The Aesthetic Regime of Representation” focuses on the work of German idealist aesthetic thought in the political context of the bourgeois revolutions of America and France. Analyzing Kant’s Critique of Judgment, it considers the “turn to the aesthetic” as a means of forestalling the immediacy of revolution and installing an implicitly pedagogical and developmental system of representation that defines the human and the political subject as universal and disinterested. That system relies on a notion of common sense that separates the civil subject from the Savage, who remains fixed at the threshold of humanity. The foundations of aesthetic philosophy are at the same time the foundations of a “regime of representation” that offers not a means to inclusion, but a mode of regulating access to recognition as a fully human and politically capable subject.

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P Schwartz

This essay explores the phenomenon of common sense through a contextual analysis of Hannah Arendt’s political application of Kant’s Critique of Judgment. I begin by tracing the development of Arendt’s thinking on judgment and common sense during the 1950s which led her to turn to the third Critique. I then consider the justification of her move by examining the philosophical context and political applications of the third Critique, arguing that within it Kant made an original and profound discovery: that the phenomenon of common sense contains a hidden faculty that may anchor moral and political judgments. I conclude by arguing that Arendt was on firmer ground than is often thought in adapting Kantian common sense to politics, a fact that may afford new possibilities for the practice of moral and political thought.


2019 ◽  
pp. 005-028

Materialismo Electoral Resumen: Se propone un análisis desde las coordenadas del Materialismo Filosófico de Gustavo Bueno del contexto político del debate electoral. Proponemos una reinterpretación de la idea de sujeto político, de la idea de Estado y de la idea de soberanía nacional. Además se propone un ensayo de estudio de las relaciones entre las ideas de Libertad, Igualdad y Fraternidad, en su contexto político, desde la perspectiva del espacio axiológico compuesto por los ejes de la ética, la moral y la política. Finalmente, se procede a una crítica sistemática de la idea de Estado tal y como venía proponiéndola el enfoque marxista. Electoral Materialism Abstract: We propose an analysis from the coordinates of Gustavo Bueno's Philosophical Materialism from the political context of the electoral debate. We proposea reinterpretation of the idea of political subject, of the idea of State and of the idea of national sovereignty. It also proposes an essay to study the relationships between the ideas of Freedom, Equality and Fraternity, in its political context, from the perspective of the axiological space composed of the axes of ethics, morals and politics. Finally, we proceed to a systematic criticism of the idea of the State as it was proposed by the Marxist approach. Keywords:Estado, Soberanía nacional, Materialismo filosófico, libertad, igualdad, fraternidad, sujeto político, espacio axiológico, etica, moral, política, marxismo.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Michał Klubiński

Abstract As the managing and artistic director of Warsaw Philharmonic in 1955-58, Bohdan Wodiczko introduced an innovative programming policy which re-oriented the Philharmonic’s repertoire toward 20th-century classics and focused on the links between new music and that of other historical periods. The aim was to create a vast sonosphere of a “musical inter-age” (S. Kisielewski after M. Wańkowicz) encompassing radically different styles and genres and significantly transforming the axiology of the musical art. Wodiczko’s novel programming, though largely concentrating on the already waning neo-Classicism, laid the foundations for the phenomenon of the Warsaw Autumn and was a harbinger of the political-cultural thaw that would come after October 1956. This paper examines Wodiczko’s programming revolution in its political context, as well as the critical reception of Warsaw Philharmonic concerts, with particular emphasis on the aesthetic disputes arising around those composers whose works provoked the greatest controversies: Igor Stravinsky and Carl Orff.


Author(s):  
Paolo Bartoloni

The Italian poet Dante Alighieri (1265–1321) is invoked several times in the work of Giorgio Agamben, often in passing to stress a point, as when discussing the political relevance of désoeuvrement (KG 246); to develop a thought, as in the articulation of the medieval idea of imagination as the medium between body and soul (S, especially 127–9); or to explain an idea, as in the case of the artistic process understood as the meeting of contradictory forces such as inspiration and critical control (FR, especially 48–50). So while Agamben does not engage with Dante systematically, he refers to him constantly, treating the Florentine poet as an auctoritas whose presence adds critical rigour and credibility. Identifying and relating the instances of these encounters is useful since they highlight central aspects of Agamben’s thought and its development over the years, from the first writings, such as Stanzas, to more recent texts, such as Il fuoco e il racconto and The Use of Bodies. The significance of Agamben’s reliance on Dante can be divided into two categories: the aesthetic and the political. The following discussion will address each of these categories separately, but will also emphasise the philosophical continuity that links the discussion of the aesthetic with that of the political. While in the first instance Dante is offered as an example of poetic innovation, especially in relation to the use of language and imagination, in the second he is invoked as a forerunner of new forms of life. Mediality and potentiality are the two pivots connecting the aesthetic and the political.


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 


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