scholarly journals The EU Security Sector Reform Agenda: Between Democratic Security Governance and Internal Security Interests

2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula C. Schroeder

Subject Security sector reform in the Arab world. Significance Security sector reform (SSR) has gradually dropped down the political agenda of regional governments in recent years. In the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings, it was seen as a top priority for transition states because it had been a key demand of many protesters across the region. However, the subsequent rise in instability in many transition states, and a successful 'counter-revolution' in others, has effectively stalled SSR efforts. Impacts Tunisia and Egypt may make modest efforts to improve the image of the internal security forces in an effort to reduce public anger. Escalating crackdowns and abuses by Arab security services risk stoking militant opposition and recruitment to jihadist groups. Failure to carry out deep SSR will reduce prospects for transition to more representative forms of government. In conflict zones, informal security actors, in particular sectarian and tribal militias, will slow efforts to restore state authority.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasiia Kudlenko

AbstractSecurity sector reform (SSR) has become an important part of the EU’s efforts to transform the Western Balkans from a conflict-ridden area into a stable and democratic part of Europe. This paper studies SSR in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) as an illustration of the multifaceted and complex Europeanization policies employed by the EU in the region. It does not present a study of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) missions, as there is already a wealth of material available on this subject, but offers instead a broader examination of changes in two sectors of BiH’s security system with the aim of improving understanding of the EU’s impact on the domestic environments of candidate states. Its main argument is that the EU used police and intelligence reforms in Bosnia, both of which were part and parcel of the SSR efforts in the country, as state-building tools. But because domestic competence in Bosnia was lacking and the EU was rather inexperienced in implementing SSR, the reforms have had a mixed record of success and reveal the limitations of the region’s Europeanization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula C. Schroeder ◽  
Fairlie Chappuis ◽  
Deniz Kocak

Significance Military and civilian leaders within the current power-sharing government have since accused each other of creating the conditions that prompted the coup, in an escalating confrontation over security sector reform that risks becoming a greater threat to the transition than the coup attempt itself. Impacts The more aggressively the commission established to dismantle the former regime conducts its work, the more the risk of coups will rise. Concrete guarantees of immunity for past crimes could encourage some (but not all) military leaders to consider more serious reforms. Civilian leaders might revive discussions shelved last year about creating a new internal security organ under civilian control.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-130
Author(s):  
Gabriëlla Vogelaar

The evolution of the European Union (EU) as a security and peacebuilding actor raises questions as to its identity as a largely civilian power alongside the development of its military capabilities. Specifically, a key challenge lies in how its civilian and military capabilities relate to each other as they develop, with increasing expectations from the EU to act effectively across its peacebuilding and conflict prevention interventions. The EU aims to do more to link top-down and bottom-up approaches, but there is currently a lack of focus on the latter. In exploring the challenges and opportunities for the EU to enhance its potential for civil-military synergies in crisis management, the paper takes a holistic whole-of-society perspective, asking questions about the level of inclusivity and local ownership in its approaches. The paper takes a closer look at the European Union Training Mission (EUTM) and European Union Capacity Building Mission in Mali (EUCAP Sahel Mali) as a specific case. Based on the findings, this paper argues the EU could be more effective, especially at the operational level, by taking a more bottom-up approach in the areas of designing, planning, monitoring and evaluating interventions. The EU will need to find ways to better embed its interventions in local realities, for instance by working with local civil society in the EU's security sector reform efforts, and offering platforms for more civilian oversight and feedback mechanisms. Only then, with a stronger focus on the inclusivity and local ownership aspects of civil and military action of the EU, will it be able to better address the 'intangible aspects' of security sector reform.


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