Freedomways, the Communist Party USA, and Black Freedom in the Post–Civil Rights Years

Author(s):  
Sara Rzeszutek Haviland
Author(s):  
James R. Barrett

The largest and most important revolutionary socialist organization in US history, the Communist Party USA was always a minority influence. It reached considerable size and influence, however, during the Great Depression and World War II years when it followed the more open line associated with the term “Popular Front.” In these years communists were much more flexible in their strategies and relations with other groups, though the party remained a hierarchical vanguard organization. It grew from a largely isolated sect dominated by unskilled and unemployed immigrant men in the 1920s to a socially diverse movement of nearly 100,000 based heavily on American born men and women from the working and professional classes by the late 1930s and during World War II, exerting considerable influence in the labor movement and American cultural life. In these years, the Communist Party helped to build the industrial union movement, advanced the cause of African American civil rights, and laid the foundation for the postwar feminist movement. But the party was always prone to abrupt changes in line and vulnerable to attack as a sinister outside force because of its close adherence to Soviet policies and goals. Several factors contributed to its catastrophic decline in the 1950s: the increasingly antagonistic Cold War struggle between the Soviet Union and the United States; an unprecedented attack from employers and government at various levels—criminal cases and imprisonment, deportation, and blacklisting; and within the party itself, a turn back toward a more dogmatic version of Marxism-Leninism and a heightened atmosphere of factional conflict and purges.


White Balance ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 126-162
Author(s):  
Justin Gomer

This chapter explores a spate of civil rights and slavery dramas produced in the late 1980s and 1990s—most notably Glory (1989), The Long Walk Home (1990), Forrest Gump (1994), and Amistad (1997)—against the evolution of the Reagan administration’s position on the federal Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. It aims to deepen our understanding of movies commonly labeled “white savior” films. White savior critiques often miss the deep historical context and intricate role Hollywood has played in anti–civil rights maneuverings. Beginning in the latter half of the 1980s, both Reagan and the movies frequently represented civil rights and abolition as driven by a colorblind white ethos. For Reagan, the efficacy of this position was clear; for Hollywood, perhaps less so. Yet together, the reimagination of colorblind black freedom struggles by both factions proved integral to the growing influence of colorblindness, which had become and would continue to be the driving force behind the dismantling of key civil rights programs in the post–civil rights era. As colorblindness became increasingly influential, Hollywood performed the vital task of reimagining an American past in which colorblind white heroes were at the center and colorblindness was responsible for the abolition of slavery and the victories of the civil rights movement. Together, Reagan and Hollywood’s dramatizations of black freedom struggles in the late 1980s and 1990s positioned colorblindness as an enduring quality of American whiteness and insisted that colorblind logic should inform the country’s legislative future.


Author(s):  
Roy L. Brooks

This chapter introduces three main themes presented in the book. First, racism is not coterminous with racial inequality. The term “racial subordination” is used in a new and more useful way to refer to a non-nefarious external source of racial inequality. This discussion revolves around an illustration that clearly demonstrates the difference between racism and racial subordination. Second, though motivated by a non-nefarious reason, racial subordination is not racial innocence. Allowing racial subordination to persist effectively creates a racial glass ceiling. For that reason, it is bad social policy. Third, even well-to-do blacks are vulnerable to racial subordination. This means that the race problem is not simply a socioeconomic problem requiring a socioeconomic solution. The race problem in post-civil rights America is, in fact, not one but three interrelated problems (a three-headed hydra)—socioeconomic, socio-legal, and socio-cultural with the latter two manifested mainly as racial subordination. This book focuses on the subordination side of the race problem.


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