The Secretary of State and the Northern Ireland ministers

Author(s):  
Derek Birrell
2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 596-604
Author(s):  
Martin F Regan ◽  
Kevin J Brown

This is a commentary on Secretary of State for Justice v A Local Authority and others, where the decision of the Court of Protection has been overturned by the Court of Appeal. The judgment has implications for (i) the article 8 and article 14 rights of those who lack capacity to arrange lawful sexual services; (ii) the criminal liability of their carers who are enlisted to assist with such arrangements; and, potentially, (iii) the ban on payment for sexual services in Northern Ireland.  


Author(s):  
S.C. Aveyard

This book has attempted to critique a number of flawed perceptions of British policy during the Northern Ireland conflict. The Labour government’s handling of the UWC strike was not as disastrous as has been portrayed. From an analysis of the context of the strike and the challenges it proffered it becomes clear that the government was limited in what it could achieve. The strike did not merely succeed because of indecisiveness or a lack of commitment to Sunningdale. This is reinforced by the experience of the UUAC strike three years later. The depiction of the two stoppages as symbolic of Rees and Mason’s tenures as Secretary of State is inaccurate. In spite of a vastly different political context the UUAC strike was a close-run affair; after three years of planning difficulties remained....


Author(s):  
S.C. Aveyard

This chapter considers the initial three months of the Labour government, incorporating both the political and security situation. During this time the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, and the Northern Ireland Office made changes to security policy. Many of these showed continuity with the previous administration but some reflected the differing attitude of the Labour frontbench while in opposition. Most prominent was the suggestion that the police should play a greater role in security efforts. In May the UWC strike led to the collapse of the power-sharing executive and this is considered in great detail. It is argued that previous accounts have placed insufficient emphasis on the political context and the parameters within which the security forces could operate. The practical difficulties involved in strike-breaking are large and the loyalist strike should be placed in the broader, British context of difficulties experienced in handling industrial disputes in Great Britain.


1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Arthur

THE RECENT POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTHERN IRELAND HAS been punctuated by arrivals and departures as successive secretaries of state have attempted to impose their personalities on an intractable problem through a series of (failed) initiatives. The latest exercise has been under way since the beginning of 1990 and is closely identified with the diplomatic skills exerted by the present Secretary of State, Mr Peter Brooke. In what has been described as ‘potentially the most significant political discussions in all of Ireland since the treaty of 1921’, Mr Brooke has embarked on a voyage which could transcend in importance the Anglo-Irish Agreement of November 1985. The purpose of this article is to put that voyage into some sort of context by suggesting that rather than concentrate solely on the ‘high’ politics of political negotiation, attention needs to be paid to the mechanisms which allow negotiations to proceed. For that reason we will look at the relative merits — and the complementarity — of ‘Track One’ and ‘Track Two’ diplomacy.


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