Life After Politics? The post-leadership activities of New Zealand premiers and prime ministers, 1856-2008

<p>Political leadership has been a nebulous concept in New Zealand, one that has grown and changed as we have matured as a nation. Scholarship on political leadership in New Zealand has also matured, particularly over the last several decades, to now stand in its own right. Absent from this scholarship, however, has been a focus on what our leaders do after leaving office and why they undertake such activities. This thesis looks at the collective activities of New Zealand’s Premiers and Prime Ministers from 1856-2008. Drawing upon the influence of both individual and situational variables, it highlights a series of patterns within three distinct groups of leaders. Firstly, the Colonial Premiers (1856-1893), who carved out a range of post-leadership activities, though the choice of many of these activities often reflected a need to stabilise their financial position, which had deteriorated during their time as Premier. The Kiwi Prime Ministers (1856-1960), whose choice of post-leadership activities was marked by the transformational events occurring during their lifetime: two World Wars, a Great Depression and a series of significant industrial disputes. Many of these 20th century Prime Ministers suffered significant physical or psychological decline during their time in office. Finally, the Modern New Zealand Prime Ministers (1960-2008) have set a distinct new trend in post-leadership activity. Though some have still suffered from the emotional and physical demands of office, many leaders within this cohort have used their time as Prime Minister as a stepping-stone to greater activities upon leaving office. This trend, noticeable in our last five Prime Ministers, is important in that signals that post-leadership activities will now become a significant feature of a leader’s lifetime. Yet these illustrious post-political careers have occurred mainly outside of New Zealand, or behind the closed doors of the business world. This thesis suggests that we are losing a rich societal asset by not drawing upon the distinct skills and experiences of our former leaders and enabling them to become elder statesmen and women. The presence of such a community could contribute greatly to the future, as New Zealand navigates it way through debates of national significance and future crises.</p>

Life After Politics? The post-leadership activities of New Zealand premiers and prime ministers, 1856-2008

<p>Political leadership has been a nebulous concept in New Zealand, one that has grown and changed as we have matured as a nation. Scholarship on political leadership in New Zealand has also matured, particularly over the last several decades, to now stand in its own right. Absent from this scholarship, however, has been a focus on what our leaders do after leaving office and why they undertake such activities. This thesis looks at the collective activities of New Zealand’s Premiers and Prime Ministers from 1856-2008. Drawing upon the influence of both individual and situational variables, it highlights a series of patterns within three distinct groups of leaders. Firstly, the Colonial Premiers (1856-1893), who carved out a range of post-leadership activities, though the choice of many of these activities often reflected a need to stabilise their financial position, which had deteriorated during their time as Premier. The Kiwi Prime Ministers (1856-1960), whose choice of post-leadership activities was marked by the transformational events occurring during their lifetime: two World Wars, a Great Depression and a series of significant industrial disputes. Many of these 20th century Prime Ministers suffered significant physical or psychological decline during their time in office. Finally, the Modern New Zealand Prime Ministers (1960-2008) have set a distinct new trend in post-leadership activity. Though some have still suffered from the emotional and physical demands of office, many leaders within this cohort have used their time as Prime Minister as a stepping-stone to greater activities upon leaving office. This trend, noticeable in our last five Prime Ministers, is important in that signals that post-leadership activities will now become a significant feature of a leader’s lifetime. Yet these illustrious post-political careers have occurred mainly outside of New Zealand, or behind the closed doors of the business world. This thesis suggests that we are losing a rich societal asset by not drawing upon the distinct skills and experiences of our former leaders and enabling them to become elder statesmen and women. The presence of such a community could contribute greatly to the future, as New Zealand navigates it way through debates of national significance and future crises.</p>

Industrial Actors` Perceptions of Industrial Disputes in Public Universities

There has always been serious concern about how industrial actors in public universities in Nigeria perceive industrial disputes as a means of enforcing collective agreements jointly reached and signed. A group may likely see industrial disputes as unnecessary and destructive while others may see it as a veritable tool for enforcing their labour rights. This study therefore examined the industrial actors’ (university management, academic staff and non-teaching staff) perception of industrial disputes in public universities in Southwest, Nigeria. Descriptive research survey design was adopted for the study. The population consisted of the management staff and all the staff of public universities in Southwest, Nigeria. The sample size of the study was 280 respondents (80 management staff, 100 academic staff and 100 non-teaching staff) randomly selected from four public universities across Southwest geo-political zone. Data was collected through a selfdesigned questionnaire. T-test analysis was used to analyze the three hypotheses raised at 0.05 level of significance. Findings revealed that there was significant difference in the way university management, academic and non-teaching staff perceive industrial dispute while there is no significant difference in the way academic and non-teaching staff perceive industrial disputes. It is therefore recommended that all the industrial actors in public universities in Southwest, Nigeria should not see industrial disputes as destructive engagement since disputes are naturally part of organizational existence. Effective management of industrial disputes through sincerity of purpose should be adopted by the industrial actors.

CRITICAL EXAMINATION ON THE MECHANISM OF APPLICATION SUBMISSION FOR LEGAL ASSISTANCE BUDGETING IN INDUSTRIAL RELATION DISPUTES

Imbalances and difficulties when workers experience industrial disputes bring out possibility of defeat in the trial. So the Government has an obligation to fight for justice by providing the budget for legal aid derived from the state budget and allocated to the budget of the Ministry of Law and Human rights. The research method used is normative, which is research that sees the effectiveness of prevailing laws. The results showed that the provision of legal aid budgets hasn’t been able to run optimally because government hasn’t provided a forum for applying legal aid budgets to legal remedies of cassation in Industrial disputes.

The Industrial Relations of In Place of Strife (1969): The Search for Sanctions through the Prism of Key Industrial Disputes

The 1969 White Paper In Place of Strife was the Labour government’s response to the 1968 Donovan Report. Its most contested proposals were three penal clauses, where fines could be imposed: against unions for refusing to ballot in certain official strikes or if they struck against a ruling in inter-union recognition disputes; and against workers for refusing to return to work when a ‘conciliation pause’ was ordered in certain unconstitutional strikes (in breach of a disputes procedure). Peter Dorey’s political account Comrades in Conflict (2019) provides an opportunity to explore the industrial relations aspects of the White Paper. First, the proposed sanctions are explored in an analysis of the Donovan Report and government discussions. Second, key industrial disputes, which shaped the White Paper and the decision to present an interim bill, are examined. Third, the impracticability of fines on unconstitutional strikers prompted the exploration of legislative alternatives. The opposition of the Trades Union Congress is assessed.

Not a Penny off the Pay, Not a Second on the Day: Long-term Wage Settlement at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited

This case study presents the delicately poised situation of the workers who were on strike, demanding better wages from their employer, during wage negotiations in India. It highlights the dispute resolution mechanisms, the rubric to evaluate the strike as well as whether wages are to be paid for the duration of the strike period within the framework of the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, of India. This case study is based on the strike, which occurred in September 2019, during the wage settlement at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). It is developed completely from secondary and publicly available reports and information. The researchers have used the specific legislative framework of Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, of India to understand certain practical aspects of the applications of the legislation. The major issues highlighted in this specific case study are the process outlined for the workers to go on a strike, rubric to evaluate a strike and whether wages are to be paid for the duration of the strike period. It is also a good case study to explore the strategies for effective collective bargaining when one is at a relative disadvantage as opposed to their opponents.

Variance in Call Duty and Hazard Allowances: Implication on Health Workers Commitment and Work Relations in Nigeria

This study examines disparity in call duty and hazard allowance and its implication on health worker's commitment and industrial dispute in tertiary hospital in South-South, Nigeria. A survey method that allows for the use of structured questionnaire was adopted. The study used a combination of purposive and random sampling techniques in determining a sample of 1191 participants from 4 tertiary hospitals in South-South Nigeria. Data gathered from the field was coded and analyzed using Linear Regression at 0.05 level of significance. Results revealed that call duty discrepancies and hazard allowances significantly affect health workers' commitment and industrial disputes in tertiary hospitals. The study recommended, among others, that National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission should carry out a comprehensive review of all health worker's wages and allowances in Nigeria with the view of harmonizing them. The commission should also evolve a periodic pay reform for health workers in Nigeria.