scholarly journals Responsible capitalism: Labour’s industrial policy and the idea of a National Investment Bank during the long 1980s

Author(s):  
Richard Carr

This article discusses Labour’s pledge to introduce a National Investment Bank (NIB) – included in the General Election manifestoes of 1983, 1987, and 1992. It considers the long term intellectual history of this idea, the various machinations regarding the similarly corporatist National Enterprise Board of the 1970s, and how the NIB policy not only survived the fiasco of 1983 but remained a key part of Labour’s agenda until 1992. As the chapter argues, this policy serves as an exemplar of the way Neil Kinnock managed the Labour Party – providing just enough meat to his party’s left and right, and allowing both to read into the NIB what they wished it to be.

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 346-349
Author(s):  
SETENEY SHAMI ◽  
MARCIAL GODOY-ANATIVIA

Although it may be too early to determine whether the events of 9/11 will significantly transform key questions and analytic approaches driving research and teaching in the field of Middle East studies (MES), we can say with certainty that 9/11 has dramatically affected the political and institutional environments within which this research and teaching takes place in the United States. Thus, “impact” or “change” must be evaluated across three distinct yet interrelated arenas: (1) the quotidian environment in which scholars, teachers, and students conduct their activities; (2) the varied institutional architectures through which research and teaching on the Middle East are undertaken inside and outside the university; and (3) the long-term intellectual history of the field.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin T Pettitt

The organizational history of the British Labour Party is to a significant degree the story of an ongoing struggle over the ‘how’ of election manifestos, a struggle, partly driven by a broad-based agreement over the ‘why’ of manifestos. This is a struggle between a ‘parliamentary independence’ wing and a ‘grass-roots control’ wing. Because the manifesto is seen as a programme for government action, this also means that the answer to the how takes on huge importance, because controlling the how means controlling government action. This article will show the nature and extent of the disagreement between the two wings and argue that it has repeatedly damaged the Labour Party’s ability to operate effectively. In this struggle, the two opposing sides have at various times scored temporary ‘victories’. However, whichever argument ‘won’ at any given time, the long-term result was damage to the party’s ability to function properly. The article will also argue that after multiple generations of struggle, this issue is essentially still unresolved.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nivi Manchanda

The ‘tribe’ is a notion intimately related to the study of Afghanistan, used as a generic signifier for all things Afghan, it is through this notion that the co-constitution of coloniser and colonised is crystallised and foregrounded in Afghanistan. By tracing the way in which the term ‘tribe’ has been deployed in the Afghan context, the article performs two kinds of intellectual labour. First, by following the evolution of a concept from its use in the early 19th century to the literature on Afghanistan in the 21st century, wherein the ‘tribes’ seem to have acquired a newfound importance, it undertakes a genealogy or intellectual history of the term. The Afghan ‘tribes’ as an object of study, follow an interesting trajectory: initially likened to Scottish clans, they were soon seen as brave and loyal men but fundamentally different from their British interlocutors, to a ‘problem’ that needed to be managed and finally, as indispensable to a long-term ‘Afghan strategy’. And second, it endeavours to describe how that intellectual history is intimately connected to the exigencies of imperialism and the colonial politics of knowledge production.


Author(s):  
Jenny Andersson

Chapter 2 argues that historians need to reengage with the future. It sets out an argument for a transnational history of the future, which traces the circulation of forms of predictive knowledge and expertise as part of a powered claim on world futures and as part of a struggle over the “long term.” The chapter revisits Reinhart Koselleck’s futures past argument, and challenges it universalistic dimensions while engaging with a recent historiography of world temporalities, modernization, and planning. It also proposes that a situated and contextualized intellectual history of the future is an alternative to the “annalistics of the long term” proposed recently, and that such a history needs to be thought of as a situated intellectual history of circulation of forms of knowledge and expertise deeply involved with world making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Straumann

Abstract In this paper the centrality of concepts for intellectual history is stressed. Naturally, this focus on concepts requires an account of what concepts are. More contentiously, an account of how concepts are best approached by intellectual historians also requires taking a stand vis-à-vis some prevailing notions of concepts. In particular, I will direct attention to the weaknesses of the historicist theory of concepts derived from the later Wittgenstein. By contrast, I will put forward an account of conceptual innovation and change in intellectual history based on a notion of concept loosely inspired by Frege. The first three parts of the paper lay out a framework for what I call “analytic contextualism,” which is then briefly illustrated with an example from the history of political thought in the fourth part. I argue that this framework should be attractive to intellectual historians for two reasons: First, Fregean concepts, due to their relative independence from context, explain long-term conceptual stability and change better than competing notions of concepts. Second, a Fregean notion of concept is better suited than its competitors to explain how concepts and conceptual innovation sometimes manage to have causal effect on institutions and social reality. To demonstrate the latter point, it will be shown that my account of concepts is consistent with, and well placed to exploit, recent philosophical advances in social ontology.


2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 957-958

Murray Milgate of Queen's College, University of Cambridge reviews “Bourgeois Equality: How Ideas, Not Capital or Institutions, Enriched the World,” by Deirdre Nansen McCloskey. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Presents a social and intellectual history of how the ideology of European liberalism accorded a new liberty and dignity to commoners—including the bourgeois—and shaped the revaluation by society of trading and the betterment of technologies. Focuses on how a great enrichment happened, and will happen; how explanations from the left and right have proven false; how bourgeois life had been rhetorically revalued in Britain at the onset of the industrial revolution; how a probourgeois rhetoric formed in England around 1700; how England had recently lagged in bourgeois ideology, compared with the Netherlands; how reformation, revolt, revolution, and reading increased the liberty and dignity of ordinary Europeans; how nowhere before on a large scale had bourgeois or other commoners been honored; how words and ideas caused the modern world; how history and economics have been misunderstood; and how rhetoric made and can readily unmake the contemporary world.”


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