Dialect Effects on Mandarin Tone Perception Development

This study aimed to characterize factors that influence early dialect development in a language environment with multiple dialects. Children were evaluated for these dialect effects compared with normal hearing referenced measures of speech and language development that are commonly implemented in hearing-impaired children. Dialect exposure and use were assessed longitudinally in Chinese children (2–6 years old) that were raised in a community where Putonghua (PTH) and Sichuanhua (SCH) Mandarin dialects were used. Lexical tones in these dialects are different. A total of 20 boys and 20 girls (2 years old at the beginning of the study) that attended the same nursery school were included in this study. SCH was used by the majority of subjects <4 years old. The majority of subjects >4 years old used either dialect, with a few users of both dialects at this age. PTH tone perception did not differ significantly as a function of dialect use. Tone recognition and discrimination were >90% accurate by 6 years old, in contrast to previous results for children with minimal exposure and use of PTH. Children with approximately ⩾50% PTH exposure might be accurately assessed with norm-referenced speech materials spoken in PTH, regardless of their preferred dialect. However, the current norm-referenced assessments of children with minimal PTH exposure and nonusers of the dialect might be inaccurate.

Processing Mandarin Tone 3 Sandhi at the Morphosyntactic Interface: Reduplication and Lexical Compounds

Mandarin tone 3 sandhi is a phonological alternation in which the initial tone 3 (i.e., low tone) syllable changes to a tone 2 (i.e., rising tone) when followed by another tone 3. The present study used a cross-modal syllable-morpheme matching experiment to examine how native speakers process the sandhi sequences derived from verb reduplication and compounding, respectively. Embedded in a visually-presented sentential context, a disyllabic sequence containing a sandhi target was displayed simultaneously with a monosyllabic audio, either a tone 1 (i.e., high-level tone), tone 2 (i.e., rising tone) or tone 3 (i.e., low tone), and participants judged whether the audio syllable matched the visual morpheme. Results showed that the tone 3 sandhi was processed differently in the two constructions. The underlying tone and the surface tone were co-activated and competed with each other in sandhi compounds whereas predominant activation of the underlying tone, over the surface tone, was observed in reduplication. The processing of tone 3 sandhi offers support for distinctive morphological structures: a lexical compound is represented both as a whole-word unit and as a combination of two individual morphemes whereas a verb reduplication is represented and accessed as a monomorphemic unit in the mental lexicon.

Phonetically Grounded Structural Bias in Learning Tonal Alternations

This study investigates the hypothesis that tone alternation directionality becomes a basis of structural bias for tone alternation learning, where “structural bias” refers to a tendency to prefer uni-directional tone deletions to bi-directional ones. Two experiments were conducted. In the first, Mandarin speakers learned three artificial languages, with bi-directional tone deletions, uni-directional, left-dominant deletions, and uni-directional, right-dominant deletions, respectively. The results showed a learning bias toward uni-directional, right-dominant patterns. As Mandarin tone sandhi is right-dominant while Cantonese tone change is lexically restricted and does not have directionality asymmetry, a follow-up experiment trained Cantonese speakers either on left- or right-dominant deletions to see whether the right-dominant preference was due to L1 transfer from Mandarin. The results of the experiment also showed a learning bias toward right-dominant patterns. We argue that structural simplicity affects tone deletion learning but the simplicity should be grounded on phonetics factors, such as syllables’ contour-tone bearing ability. The experimental results are consistent with the findings of a survey on other types of tone alternation’s directionality, i.e., tone sandhi across 17 Chinese varieties. This suggests that the directionality asymmetry found across different tone alternations reflects a phonetically grounded structural learning bias.

High-Variability Phonetic Training Benefits Lexical Tone Perception: An Investigation on Mandarin-Speaking Pediatric Cochlear Implant Users

Purpose Lexical tone perception is known to be persistently difficult for individuals with cochlear implants (CIs). The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficacy of high-variability phonetic training (HVPT) in improving Mandarin tone perception for native-speaking children with CIs. Method A total of 28 Mandarin-speaking pediatric CI recipients participated in the study. Half of the children with CIs received a five-session HVPT within a period of 3 weeks. Identification and discrimination of lexical tones produced by familiar talkers (used during training) and novel talkers (not used during training) were measured before, immediately after, and 10 weeks after training termination. The other half untrained children served as control for the identical pre- and posttests. Results Lexical tone perception significantly improved in both trained identification task and untrained discrimination task for the trainees. There was also a significant effect in transfer of learning to perceiving tones produced by novel talkers. Moreover, training-induced gains were retained for up to 10 weeks after training. By comparison, no significant pre–post changes were observed in the control group. Conclusion The results provide the first systematical assessment for the efficacy of the HVPT protocol for Mandarin-speaking pediatric CI users with congenital hearing loss, which supports the clinical utility of intensive short-term HVPT in these children's rehabilitative regimens.

On the Left-/Right-Branching Asymmetry in Mandarin Tone 3 Sandhi

In Mandarin, a left-/right-branching asymmetry is observed when the Tone 3 Sandhi (T3S) process interacts with the syntactic structure of an expression: while expressions that have a left-branching syntactic structure only have a non-alternating sandhi pattern in which all but the rightmost T3 is changed to the sandhi tone, for expressions that have a right-branching syntactic structure various sandhi patterns are possible. This paper proposes that T3S applies cyclically bottom-up on a prosodic structure matched from the syntactic structure of an expression, along the lines of the Match Theory of syntactic-prosodic constituency correspondence (Selkirk 2011). The interaction of Match Phrase constraints and Strong Strong Start, which is a more restricted version of Selkirk’s (2011) Strong Start constraint, predicts that different prosodic structures are possible outputs for a right-branching expression, while for a left-branching expression the only possible output is a left-branching prosodic structure. The various possible sandhi patterns for a right-branching expression and the non-alternating sandhi pattern for a left-branching expression are derived when T3S applies cyclically bottom-up on the proposed prosodic structures.