politics of space
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nazima Parveen

<p>The thesis investigates community-space relationship in colonial and post-colonial Delhi. Examining the process of identification, demarcation, organization and/or re-organization of space on the basis of religious demographics, the study questions the dominant imagination of ‘Muslim space’ as an objective, homogenous and permanent category. The research relies on extensive use of archival sources from national and local government, Urdu, Hindi and English-language newspaper reports and oral history interviews. The thesis particularly focuses on Shahjahanabad, that later became Old Delhi, to trace the story of the gradual transformation of caste/craft based shared community spaces into religion based ‘segregated’ pockets during the period of 1940-1977.  The study argues that the notion of communal space in Delhi is a product of a long historical process. The discourse of homeland and the realities of Partition not only demarcated space on religious lines but also established the notion of ‘Muslim dominated areas’ as being ‘exclusionary’ and ‘contested’ zones. These localities turned out to be those pockets where the dominant ideas of nation had to be engineered, materialized and practiced. Consequently, these localities were looked at differently over the period: in the 1940s, as ‘Muslim dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’ – the ‘Mini Pakistan(s)’ - that were to be dismantled.  The thesis starts with colonial Delhi where codification of cow slaughter practices; the demarcation of routes of religious processions; and the sectarian identification of residential wards, defined residential space and more specifically the electoral constituencies as ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ or ‘mixed’ areas. The legal and administrative vocabulary that was deployed to establish such community-centric claims and counter-claims on urban space by political elite in the 1940s illuminates the ways in which a discourse of ‘homeland’ was gradually emerging in colonial and early post-colonial periods.  The thesis then moves on to the post-Partition period and explains the ways in which parallel imaginations of homeland, specifically the reconfigured idea of ‘Pakistan’, produced new imageries of communal space. It discusses the debates around ‘Muslim zones’, Muslim ‘refugee camps’ and ‘evacuee’ properties to unpack the issues of belongingness and identity of Delhi’s Muslims that termed Muslim dominated areas as ‘communally sensitive’ in the 1950s.  The thesis then explores the controversies around meat practice (its production, sale and consumption) in the 1960s -– to understand how an economic activity of slaughtering animals was turned into a ‘Muslim’ practice and placed in a binary opposition to selective Brahmanical vegetarianism claimed to be ‘Hindu’/ ‘Indian’ sensibilities. The consequent politics of space around Idgah slaughter-house, meat shops and the locality of Qasabpura is investigated to make sense of the contest over Muslim localities.  Finally, the ‘operation urbanization’ of the 1970s focusing on the re-organization of city space and communities through redevelopment, resettlement and population control is scrutinized. The thesis examines local politics and administrative policies to see how the authorities zeroed in to end Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization in Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas during the National Emergency (1975-77).  The study thus seeks to show that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities that may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nazima Parveen

<p>The thesis investigates community-space relationship in colonial and post-colonial Delhi. Examining the process of identification, demarcation, organization and/or re-organization of space on the basis of religious demographics, the study questions the dominant imagination of ‘Muslim space’ as an objective, homogenous and permanent category. The research relies on extensive use of archival sources from national and local government, Urdu, Hindi and English-language newspaper reports and oral history interviews. The thesis particularly focuses on Shahjahanabad, that later became Old Delhi, to trace the story of the gradual transformation of caste/craft based shared community spaces into religion based ‘segregated’ pockets during the period of 1940-1977.  The study argues that the notion of communal space in Delhi is a product of a long historical process. The discourse of homeland and the realities of Partition not only demarcated space on religious lines but also established the notion of ‘Muslim dominated areas’ as being ‘exclusionary’ and ‘contested’ zones. These localities turned out to be those pockets where the dominant ideas of nation had to be engineered, materialized and practiced. Consequently, these localities were looked at differently over the period: in the 1940s, as ‘Muslim dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’ – the ‘Mini Pakistan(s)’ - that were to be dismantled.  The thesis starts with colonial Delhi where codification of cow slaughter practices; the demarcation of routes of religious processions; and the sectarian identification of residential wards, defined residential space and more specifically the electoral constituencies as ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ or ‘mixed’ areas. The legal and administrative vocabulary that was deployed to establish such community-centric claims and counter-claims on urban space by political elite in the 1940s illuminates the ways in which a discourse of ‘homeland’ was gradually emerging in colonial and early post-colonial periods.  The thesis then moves on to the post-Partition period and explains the ways in which parallel imaginations of homeland, specifically the reconfigured idea of ‘Pakistan’, produced new imageries of communal space. It discusses the debates around ‘Muslim zones’, Muslim ‘refugee camps’ and ‘evacuee’ properties to unpack the issues of belongingness and identity of Delhi’s Muslims that termed Muslim dominated areas as ‘communally sensitive’ in the 1950s.  The thesis then explores the controversies around meat practice (its production, sale and consumption) in the 1960s -– to understand how an economic activity of slaughtering animals was turned into a ‘Muslim’ practice and placed in a binary opposition to selective Brahmanical vegetarianism claimed to be ‘Hindu’/ ‘Indian’ sensibilities. The consequent politics of space around Idgah slaughter-house, meat shops and the locality of Qasabpura is investigated to make sense of the contest over Muslim localities.  Finally, the ‘operation urbanization’ of the 1970s focusing on the re-organization of city space and communities through redevelopment, resettlement and population control is scrutinized. The thesis examines local politics and administrative policies to see how the authorities zeroed in to end Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization in Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas during the National Emergency (1975-77).  The study thus seeks to show that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities that may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Muyiwa Adigun

The tension between the central government and the federating units has always been an intractable issue between the forces of centralization and decentralization in a federalism with the judiciary at the intersection of the conflict. Therefore, this study examines judicial interpretation in resolving the conflict on jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units. It applies Henri Lefebvre’s theory of space, Richard Ford’s analysis of jurisdiction, Benjamin Cardozo’s and Oliver Wendell Holmes’s psychology of judging to judicial interpretation in resolving the conflict on jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units. It finds that the justices on the majority and the minority who interpret the constitution to resolve questions of jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units often play politics of space hidden within the interstices of legal rules without being conscious of their psychological biases. Hence, it argues that instead of playing politics of space, what the justices should do is to apply the principles in Keynesian federalism bolstered by the rule of presumption. With this, the influence of politics borne of psychological biases can be reduced while both the central government and the federating units are given equal chances. In conclusion, it recommends that whenever the judges are called upon to resolve the conflict between the central government and the federating units, the principle in Keynesian federalism with the rule of presumption should be applied.  


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Maria Kecskemeti

<p>The current literature about sacred space suggests that it is produced through either substantive definitions of space (the poetics of space) or situational definitions of space (the politics of space). I conducted ethnographic research in the Cook Islands to consider how these two constructions of space interact to produce the sacred space of the Cook Islands Christian Church. I have shown that the production of sacred space can be described through three modes of spatial production: the politics of space, the poetics of space and the performance of space. They are enacted through social practices in an inter-related process. Based on these findings I propose a spatial triad model. I suggest that by moving beyond traditional dichotomous constructions of space such a spatial triad model can contribute to new understandings of how sacred and profane space is produced and reproduced.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Maria Kecskemeti

<p>The current literature about sacred space suggests that it is produced through either substantive definitions of space (the poetics of space) or situational definitions of space (the politics of space). I conducted ethnographic research in the Cook Islands to consider how these two constructions of space interact to produce the sacred space of the Cook Islands Christian Church. I have shown that the production of sacred space can be described through three modes of spatial production: the politics of space, the poetics of space and the performance of space. They are enacted through social practices in an inter-related process. Based on these findings I propose a spatial triad model. I suggest that by moving beyond traditional dichotomous constructions of space such a spatial triad model can contribute to new understandings of how sacred and profane space is produced and reproduced.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Lezley George

Far more research is dedicated to assessing women’s fashioned bodies than for men’s in the Middle East and particularly in Gulf countries. Across the Gulf, male national citizens typically wear a long ‘dress-like’ garment, with regionally designated names of kandura , dish-dasha or thobe, and in colours delineated depending on the particular GCC state. Particularly focusing on the United Arab Emirates, I investigate how the kandura, when combined with the ghutra (white headscarf) and agal (black rope with tassels), becomes representational of national hegemonic masculinity and performatively styled to underline cultural authority and authenticity. These garments are deemed traditional attire, but on a closer inspection, they act as sites to investigate coded signs of cultural fashion capital and ‘local’ tastes. This article critically unpacks these constructs and their meanings for Khaleeji masculinity by examining three main ‘spaces’ – work, leisure and military national service – to scrutinize how the gender politics of space operates on men’s dressed body practices and underpins an emblematic presentation of privilege and patriotic manhood.


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