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2019 ◽  
pp. 17-46
Author(s):  
Mark Ward

This chapter identifies a distinct evangelical Christian genre of conservative news and explores its prevalence in contemporary evangelical media and especially news/talk radio programming. Such programming posits a “Christian worldview,” which is aligned with a conservative political identity that is inseparable from religious practice and white evangelical Protestant modes of apprehending the world. Doing so, conservative Christian news producers lay claim to a legitimacy that is undergirded by biblical authority as they set news agendas and frame stories. The chapter also situates the Christian radio genre within a long history of evangelical struggles over access to broadcasting resources and locates the current genre formation of evangelical news/talk within the United States’ deregulated and highly consolidated broadcast markets.


2018 ◽  
pp. 205-212
Author(s):  
Erika Lorraine Milam

This chapter discusses the tensions between advocates of Christianity and those of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS). Throughout the 1970s, alternative Christian radio and television shows gained in popularity, as did Christian movies, sex manuals, textbooks, and universities. As a young ambitious lawyer, John Conlan sought to channel this energy, transforming his constituents' collective outrage into political action. When he entered the fray against MACOS in the early spring of 1975, trouble had already been brewing for the curriculum. The shifting political landscape of the early 1970s caught Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) designers by surprise. They had taken the progressive nature of humanity's deep history for granted, but this was precisely how critics of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) attacked the curriculum's sincere embrace of anthropological cultural relativism and its secular undertones.


Author(s):  
Lydia Bean

This chapter looks at how, in U.S. churches, political influence operated through a broad set of opinion leaders, not just through ordained pastors or media elites. Previous research has identified local pastors as key opinion leaders who help bridge the gap between political elites and the general public, by preaching on political topics, sending partisan cues, or proclaiming official church stances on issues like abortion and gay marriage. Other scholars argue that Christian Right elites increasingly reach individuals directly, through targeted mailings, Fox News, and Christian radio, without the need to work through their personal networks and congregations. But previous work has largely ignored the political influence of volunteer, non-ordained religious leaders.


2012 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markku Ruotsila

Recent scholarship has argued that Cold War anticommunism was key among the tools with which conservative evangelicals in the United States negotiated their return to the mainstream of American public conversation. While useful, such renderings of the anticommunist leaven in the repoliticization of religious conservatives remain misleading as long as they remain pivoted on the small cadre of reputedly moderate new evangelical intellectuals. Entirely obscured in such portrayals is the agency of the militant separatist fundamentalists whose engagement with anticommunism was at once broader in scope, more systematic, organized and pervasive, and of significantly earlier lineage than that of their new evangelical rivals. The roots of the Christian Right do indeed lie in Cold War Christian anticommunism but the lines of influence stretch as much, if not more, from the fundamentalists gathered around the controversial pastor Carl McIntire and his American (and International) Council of Christian Churches as they do from the new evangelicals. A pivotal transitional figure who nurtured, renovated, and passed on to a new generation the anticollectivist public doctrines of the original fundamentalist movement. In his anticommunist work McIntire pioneered, as well, the faith-based mass demonstration and petition, the political use of Christian radio, and the lobbying of government officials that the later Christian Right perfected.


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