consolidate state
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2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862110528
Author(s):  
Chloe Alexander ◽  
Anna Stanley

This essay considers carbon capture and storage (CCS) in relation to struggles over value and territorial jurisdiction in the Alberta Tar Sands. Critical engagements with CCS have pointed to the legitimising function of the technology and highlight its role normalising extraction in the tar sands. We suggest that neither the significance of CCS nor the legitimation function it performs can be fully understood absent an analysis of settler colonialism. CCS we argue is a colonial flanking mechanism directly centred on the governance of harm that construes harm in ways that reproduce settler colonial entitlements to Indigenous lands, bodies and ecosystems and helps to consolidate state jurisdiction and power in the tar sands. This construal of harm also productively intersects other colonial strategies of harm reduction relative to the tar sands, including the criminalisation of Indigenous jurisdiction, and is part of a broader relational context that prioritises settler colonial futurity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Vasyl Franchuk ◽  

Analysis of some practical and theoretical issues of administrative responsibility for violation of limitations on part-time job and combination of duties with different types of activity was made. Research on certain features of current corruption-related offenses was done. Prominent existing issues of current administrative legislation provisions on definition of constitutive signs of violation of limitations on part-time job and combination of duties with different types of activity were detected. Fight against corruption is a tight, combined and long-lasting case that can be solved in case of compliance of legislation which determine an order, as well as of successful operation of authorities responsible for anticorruption and judicial sphere. One of the reasonable steps to consolidate state control on activity of official, who performs functions of state or local government was to provide liability for violation of limitations on parttime job and combination of duties with different activity. Given this, to assure other law subjects to exactly applicate similar law there is a need to have a clear and expressive legislative concept. It was determined that some basic features of concepts of part-time job and combination of duties are of joint nature and some of features vary. Administrative law provisions theoretical aspect and Ukrainian legislation that defines �part-time job� and �combination of duties� concepts were analyzed. In conclusion, part-time job and combination of duties mainly differs in that that: during combination of duties person can work in different occupation, post, unlike part-time job; extra job is performed during combination at the same firm, agency or institution, when part-time job can be performed at another agency or institution;during combination of duties performance of different duties should be on the regular basis; combination of duties is realizable only in free from main job time, unlike part-time job; during part-time job payment for other job is individual, unlike combination of duties, where for combination of duties of certain position (post), as well as of temporarily absent worker only additional pay is provided to the salary on the main post.


2020 ◽  
pp. 150-168
Author(s):  
Melissa M. Lee

This chapter examines a different logic guiding the strategy of subversion: tie-down. This strategy is evident in Thailand’s subversion of Vietnamese-occupied Cambodia in the 1980s. The case traces how Thai fears of Vietnamese aggression after the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia influenced Bangkok to support the Khmer Rouge to sow chaos inside Cambodia. An interesting and important feature of the Cambodia case is the “tabula rasa”-like state of the country after the Vietnamese imposed a puppet regime in Phnom Penh. That is, although the Vietnamese defeated Cambodia’s former leaders, upon victory neither Vietnam nor its new puppet regime exercised any meaningful degree of state authority. Nor was there any state to govern due to the Khmer Rouge’s devastation of the country. This blank-slate-like feature mitigates concerns about reverse causality and the influence of initial levels of within-country variation in state authority, and therefore allows the chapter to draw more valid inferences about the effect of Thai subversion on Vietnamese efforts to consolidate state authority in Cambodia. As with the previous chapter, this in-depth case study provides a look at the effects of subversion on state authority in a more micro way.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deepa Prakash ◽  
Asli Ilgit

AbstractExtant studies suggest that criticism of state practices may create ontological crises in states, thus prompting emotional responses. This article examines what happens when target states reject external criticism, and the failure of outside attempts to shame and criticise. We show that recipients can view international criticism as opportunities to consolidate state identity rather than ontological crises. Using Turkey’s foreign policy towards Israel, we focus on the agency of weak states by expanding the range of emotions stemming from non-acceptance of criticism and by emphasising the role of leaders when crafting emotional responses to negative representations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. C. Mirow

The late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have been aptly called the “Age of Codifications.” The same period was also the Age of Constitutions. Although a great deal is known about the migration of prenational and transnational legal sources and ideas that led to national codes of civil and criminal law in Europe and the Americas, much less is known about similar processes on the constitutional level. Constitutional historians have been more parochial than their private law counterparts, most likely because of the relationship between constitutions and nations. In the light of independence, nations immediately needed constitutions to solidify gains and to consolidate state power. The study of these processes becomes national narratives, often in conversation with the former colonial power, which are disconnected from more general or regional trends. As Linda Colley's article in this issue illustrates, it is important to step back to view the constitution-making process from an Atlantic perspective that ties the Americas, North and South, into the area of study. The Age of Constitutions in the Americas must include Latin America and the Caribbean.


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