unitary reality
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2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNABEL BRETT

Hugo Grotius has always been viewed as a theorist of either international or natural law. However, these designations obscure the civic focus of his work, from his early republican treatises through to De iure belli ac pacis. From sixteenth-century humanist and legal-humanist Aristotelianism, Grotius constructed a framework of natural right which enabled him on the one hand to locate the origins of the civil community in natural man's juridical capabilities, but on the other to give this ‘city’ a large measure of juridical autonomy in respect of the moral norms of natural law. In this he diverged significantly from the contemporary scholastic handling of natural law. Grotius further developed his understanding of the civil community and its right through elaborating a theory of the unity of the city, based originally on the Aristotelian notion of reciprocity but ultimately using a range of neo-Stoic sources to conceive of the civil community as a unitary reality.


1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary E. Boyce

A vivid illustration of shared storytelling, collective centring, and collective sense-making appears in this study of one non-profit organization. Organiza tional members identify two stories that express the collective sense and allow centring on the shared meaning. Sense-making in a structurally closed organ ization is demonstrated. Organizational dynamics and root metaphors are examined and several approaches to the analysis of organizational myth and story are utilized. Dissonance between organizational members and the presid ent is apparent even though the organization is rooted in a unitary reality.


1991 ◽  
Vol 81 ◽  
pp. 10-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Davidson

Summarizing Polybius' contribution to the study of Roman history, Mommsen paid him the following compliment: ‘His books are like the sun in the field of Roman history; where they begin, the misty veils which still cloak the Samnite and Pyrrhic wars are lifted, where they finish, a new and if possible still more vexatious twilight begins.’ Since Mommsen our understanding of Polybius' methods, his bias and omissions, his ideology and concerns, has progressed immeasurably, thanks largely to the work of Pédech and Walbank. Nevertheless, the idea that the Histories represent, at least in their conception, the illumination of an intrinsic reality persists. Polybius' supposed ‘poor style’ is often treated as in some way an absence of historiographical mediation. In this case, ‘transparency’ in a text, the sensation that it provides unmediated access to what it describes, is achieved not by a smooth and inconspicuous style, but by coarseness. Tarn compared Polybius' work to rescripts and despatches, as if he were only interested in an unobtrusive recording role, and this attitude to the historian, far from being in decline, has received some radical and authoritative support in recent years. One reappraisal of Roman imperialism has argued that Polybius was much closer to the reality of the process than many twentieth-century historians. Another study claims to ‘want to say no more than what Polybius said’. Ultimately, I have no argument with those who stress Polybius' honesty and reliability. More problematic, however, is an attitude to our use of Polybius' history which is often assumed in eulogies of his truthfulness: that when we read Polybius, we are enabled to gaze directly on the landscape of Roman history, a single substantial unitary reality, structured out of objective facts.


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