A Roman financier's Version of Euergetism: C. Vibius Salutaris and Ephesos

Based on a close study of the text of the epigraphic dossier IEph 1a 27, dated 104 CE, that once covered an entire wall at Ephesos’ theatre and is now in the British Museum and, in addition, on the evidence of other inscriptions relating to C. Vibius Salutaris, this paper argues that: contrary to a widely held view, Salutaris was not an Ephesian by birth; that the terms of his foundation gave him absolute control over the foundation’s capital; that the objects donated and the rituals in which they featured were so designed as to bestow disproportionately great honor on the founder. Salutaris’ interpretation of euergetism was unconventional and his gifts to Ephesos would most likely have sunk in oblivion, were it not for his connections to representatives of the Roman state, and, most importantly, for his foundation’s successful advertising of Ephesos’ attachment to Rome.

Notes on a Gladiatorial Inscription from Plotinopolis

The paper is concerned with a new gladiatorial tombstone from Plotinopolis. The paper raises serious doubts on the text of the inscription offered by itsinitial editor (Tsoka 2015); it also pinpoints towards Sharankov’s proposal(Année Épigraphique 2014 [2017] no. 1165, 493) as the only viable solution forthe text of the inscription, citing also unnoticed parallel passages from ancientGreek inscriptions and texts as evidence substantiating the new reading of the stone (see nn. 7-9). The paper expresses also disagreement over Tsoka’s assertion that thewords λοῦδοι and Μάτερνος of the inscription are mere transcriptions into Greek letters of the Latin words ludi, Maternus – and that the name Μάτερνοςimplies Romanisation. It is argued that the Latin-derived name of a gladiator ghting in the Eastern (Greek-speaking) side of the Roman Empire is not a safe marker of Romanisation. This is demonstrated by the epigraphical evidenceattesting to the habit of Greek-speaking gladiators to adopt professionalpseudonyms, many of them (25% of all recorded cases) Latin-derived ones; thepaper argues that the name Μάτερνος is simply a Latin-derived gladiatorialpseudonym. Plutarch’s testimony further substantiates that gladiators could be ethnic Greeks or culture-Greeks (see n. 20). As far as the word λοῦδοι is concerned, the poetic declination of the word in the stone attests to the laststages in the adaptation of a Latin-derived word into a fundamentally Greek linguistic environment. The paper argues that the Latin-derived vocabulary ofthe stone (Μάτερνος, λοῦδοι) should be viewed as a further piece of evidenceattesting to the recognition on the part of the Greek-speakers of the time, that gladiation was a fundamentally Roman cultural institution, a cultural import whose onomastics and terminology could rather remain untranslated.

A Note on the history of Hellenistic Megara: Τhe date of the Antigonid garrison in Aegosthena

This paper presents a proposal for the date of the Antigonid military presence in Aegosthena near Megara, which is known only by a Megarian honorary decree for Boiotian Zoilos, the royal commander of the garrison (IG VII 1). The named king Demetrios in the inscription could be Poliorketes (306-284 BC) or his grandson, Demetrios II (239-229 BC). All the available evidences (philological, prosopographical, letters a.o.) are examined and the conclusion is that a date around 295-287 BC is the more preferable.

Cyrus the Great as a “King of the City of Anshan”

In the famous inscription of the Cylinder of Cyrus the Great composed after thefallofBabylonin539BC,thefounderofthePersianempireisreferredtoas “king of the city of Anshan” and is made to indicate that this title was equally borne by his ancestors, Cambyses, Cyrus andTeispes.Referencetothevenerable–butnonethelessElamiteandtoallappearances nolongerpoliticallyimportantatthetime–cityofAnshaninCyrus’royalfami- lytitularyhastriggeredmuchscholarlydiscussion.Itiscurrentlythoughtthat thereferencestoCyrus’dynasticassociationwithAnshanmightacknowledge somesenseofanElamiteaffinityonthepartofCyrus’royalline.Thepresentstudyarguesthatthetitle“kingofthecityofAnshan”ofCyrus and his forebears was meant to accommodate traditional perceptions of “le- gitimate kingship” within a native Mesopotamian/Elamite environment and cannot be used as evidence for an Elamite affiliation of Cyrus’ dynasticline.

A New Roman Provincial Coin from Pella

The purpose of this article is to present a unique bronze coin of the Roman colony of Pella in Macedonia that was discovered during excavations of the Aristotle University at Dion. The coin belongs to a so-far unpublished issue and bears a female head on the obverse and a standing Pan on the reverse. The article discusses the iconographic types, the denomination and the dating of this issue that does not bear an imperial portrait. A dating in the 3rd century AD is suggested for its production.

Late Antique and Early Byzantine Era Inscriptions at Assos

In this paper, eleven new inscriptions are presented, which were found between 1981 and 2017 at Assos in the southern Troad, Asia Minor. Funerary inscriptions that can be dated to the Late Antique and Byzantine periods constitute the majority of the inscriptions found during the period defined above. The first inscription, carved on a lintel, is an acclamation of the Lord/ Emmanouel. The personal name Chrysogonos in the second inscription may have been the name of a stonecutter who worked in the quarry. The third inscription is the epitaph of the gravediggers of the Orthodox “Great Church”. By the phrase “Great Church” (μεγάλη ἐκκλησία), a cathedral must have been intended, located inside the city or its immediate surroundings. The fourth inscription presented here is the sarcophagus inscription of the heirs of an individual called Daniel. The fifthis the sarcophagus inscription of Theoktistos. The inscriptions nos. 6-10 from the oor of Ayazma Church include several sarcophagus inscriptions: No. 6 is of Bas(s)os, no. 7 is of Eutychianos, and no. 8 is of Onesimos, whose father’s name is uncertain due to a crack and damage on the surface of the stone. No. 9 is the sarcophagus of presbyter Anastasios, and no. 10 is the sarcophagus of Eugenios. The eleventh inscription is a fragmentary sarcophagus inscription.

Proskynēsis: From a Persian Court Protocol to a Greek Religious Practice

Greek ambassadors who were granted an audience before the Persian King were required to observe a certain form of court ritual. Although the Persian proper name for this ritual has since been lost to us, the Greeks called this act of homage proskynēsis; a term normally understood to refer to the act of “falling down” and prostrating oneself before the king. At the same time, the Greeks employed a gesture also called proskynēsis, which was performed when addressing a divine entity. These two acts, while different in their functions, shared the same name on the basis that their outward appearances bore a co- incidental likeness to each other. Greek ambassadors, who would have come to Susa for the purpose of petitioning assistance from the Great King, were rigorously hesitant to follow the Persian practice, arguing that the religious practice of proskynēsiswas reserved exclusively for the divine among them. In this paper, I endeavour to elucidate the true nature of this Persian court pro- tocol, and to show why the Greeks were so unwilling to perform this ceremo- nial act. I conclude that the normal posture of the Persian proskynēsis was most represented by that of a bow with a hand raised up to the mouth, the depth of the bow being dependent on the ethnicity of those performing it and their relative status. In contrast to the Greek version, this Persian proskynēsiswas a rather secular practice, serving to authenticate social hierarchy between su- periors and inferiors. Even though some of the Greek ambassadors must have been aware of this, or perhaps as a direct result of this understanding, they remained loath to accept the insult that offering proskynēsiswould cause to the belief of their perceived freedom from Persian subjugation.