scholarly journals Late Antique and Early Byzantine Era Inscriptions at Assos

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tolga Özhan

In this paper, eleven new inscriptions are presented, which were found between 1981 and 2017 at Assos in the southern Troad, Asia Minor. Funerary inscriptions that can be dated to the Late Antique and Byzantine periods constitute the majority of the inscriptions found during the period defined above. The first inscription, carved on a lintel, is an acclamation of the Lord/ Emmanouel. The personal name Chrysogonos in the second inscription may have been the name of a stonecutter who worked in the quarry. The third inscription is the epitaph of the gravediggers of the Orthodox “Great Church”. By the phrase “Great Church” (μεγάλη ἐκκλησία), a cathedral must have been intended, located inside the city or its immediate surroundings. The fourth inscription presented here is the sarcophagus inscription of the heirs of an individual called Daniel. The fifthis the sarcophagus inscription of Theoktistos. The inscriptions nos. 6-10 from the oor of Ayazma Church include several sarcophagus inscriptions: No. 6 is of Bas(s)os, no. 7 is of Eutychianos, and no. 8 is of Onesimos, whose father’s name is uncertain due to a crack and damage on the surface of the stone. No. 9 is the sarcophagus of presbyter Anastasios, and no. 10 is the sarcophagus of Eugenios. The eleventh inscription is a fragmentary sarcophagus inscription.

This volume sheds new light on the evolution of Greek epigram from the Hellenistic up to the early Byzantine era. It is concerned not with the work of individual authors but with the complexities of epigram as a genre; with the dynamics of poetic imitation and competition, as reflected in the work of epigrammatists who belong to the same or different anthologies and in the editorial activities of the poets who edited and created those anthologies; with the absorption and adaptation of earlier poetry in epigram; with the cross-fertilization between inscribed and literary epigram; with the dynamics of the relationship between epigram and its literary, sociopolitical, and cultural background from the third century BCE up until the sixth century CE; with its interaction with the visual arts and with Latin poetry; with the activities of late antique compilers who have generated the selections that survive nowadays. The chapters in this collection do not seek to offer a single comprehensive overview of epigram but individually and collectively demonstrate its remarkable richness and diversity. In the process they help to explain the fascination that epigram exercised, both in the ancient world and in subsequent ages, and contribute to the growing body of research on this significant and versatile poetic form.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 115-137
Author(s):  
Cristina Murer

Archaeological evidence demonstrates that funerary spoil (e.g. sarcophagus lids, funerary altars, epitaphs, reliefs, and statues) were frequently reused to decorate the interiors of public and private buildings from the third to the sixth century. Therefore, the marble revetments of high imperial tombs must have been spoliated. Imperial edicts, which tried to stamp part the overly common practice of tomb plundering, confirm that the social practice of tomb plundering must have been far more frequent in late antiquity than in previous periods. This paper discusses the reuse of funerary spoil in privet and public buildings from Latium and Campania and contextualizes them by examining legal sources addressing tomb violation. Furthermore, this study considers the extent to which the social practice of tomb plundering and the reuse of funerary material in late antiquity can be connected with larger urbanist, sociohistorical, and political transformations of Italian cityscapes from the third to the sixth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3 (27)) ◽  
pp. 7-12
Author(s):  
Irina V. Zaytseva

The article continues the author's series of works devoted to the study of one of the most difficult issues in the history of the intellectual tradition of late-Antique - early-Byzantine Alexandria - the evolution of confrontational process between representatives of the Christian and pagan intellectual elite in the city. The aim of the article is the analysis of the Christian community policy of philopons and its role in a confrontational process of Alexandria in the second half of 5th - the first half of 6th century BC. The result of this study was the author's conclusion that the philopons contributed to the process of confrontation in Alexandria during the period under review, changing the course of the relationship between Christians and pagans. At the same time, the philopons, understanding the complexity of the urban situation, sought to maintain a balance between the pagan’s intellectual heritage and Christian traditions.


1965 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-214
Author(s):  
G. M. Sifakis

I. We know fairly well how the City Dionysia at Athens was celebrated in classical times. But although the numerous dramatic festivals of the Hellenistic period were in many respects modelled on the Athenian Dionysia, it is not clear how the performances at these festivals were organized. The difficulty arises from the fact that apart from a few great centres which may have had their own theatre production, playwrights, actors, etc., the majority of cities depended on the travelling of Dionysos’.1 It seems that the of Dionysiac artists were formed early in the third century. Three major Dionysiac associations—the Athenian, the Isthmian and Nemean, and the Ionian and Hellespontian—operated in Greece, Asia Minor, and the islands in Hellenistic times. The question is how these associations functioned. Were they theatrical companies as well as professional guilds? Did they undertake the organization of musical and dramatic performances at various festivals? Was there a division of territories between the and were certain festivals dominated by certain guilds?


Author(s):  
L. SLOKOSKA

In 1985, archaeologists from Bulgaria and Britain began a collaborative work with the initiation of two complementary projects. The first one was entitled ‘The Roman and late Roman city; Nicopolis ad Istrum’ (1985–1992) when the archaeological research of both teams was concentrated upon the Roman city and its late antique successor. The ‘City of Victory’ was founded by the emperor Trajan and is one of the largest archaelogical sites in the Balkans. The second programme represents a continuation and an expansion of the first and was entitled ‘The city and the village in the Roman and late Roman Empire: Nicopolis ad Istrum and nucleated settlement in its territory’ (1996–2002). It initiated work on the site of the late antique fortified settlement near the village of Dichin. Nicopolis, like the other cities in Thrace, was organized according to the Greek model, on similar lines to those found in the cities of Asia Minor. This influence is reflected in the character of the town, its plan, its agora and in its principal buildings.


Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

Izmir, the modern name for the city that once was known as Smyrna, is the third largest city in Turkey, with a population of around 3 million. Situated on the Aegean coast, it is Turkey’s second busiest port. Not only is Izmir an interesting place itself to visit, but the city also serves as a good base from which to visit several important sites in the area, such as the ancient cities of Ephesus, Sardis, Miletus, Didyma, and Priene. The ancient city of Smyrna, which according to some reports was the birthplace of Homer, was commercially successful due to its harbor and its location (approximately 35 miles north of Ephesus) at the end of a major route through Asia Minor. The earliest settlement at this location was in the first half of the 3rd millennium B.C.E. on a hill known as Tepekule in the Bayraklï suburb of the city. In the 10th century B.C.E., the first Greek colonists from Aeolia settled at Tepekule. They remained there until the end of the 8th century, when Ionian Greeks took over. Excavations at the site have uncovered houses from the 9th to the 7th centuries B.C.E. In the 7th century a temple to Athena was built. This temple was destroyed around 600 B.C.E. by King Alyattes of Lydia when he captured the city. The people of Smyrna rebuilt and enlarged the temple, but it was destroyed again around 545 B.C.E., this time by the Persians. An insignificant settlement in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C.E., the site was finally abandoned. According to a story related by Pausanias (Description of Greece 7.5.1–3), the city was refounded by Alexander the Great, who was instructed in a dream to establish a new city on Mt. Pagus (now the site of the Kadifekale, or “Velvet Fortress”). The new city was actually not started until the beginning of the 3rd century by the Hellenistic ruler Lysimachus. During the subsequent centuries Smyrna, situated around the harbor, grew and prospered. By the 1st century B.C.E., Strabo was able to describe Smyrna as “the most beautiful of all” cities (Geography 14.646).


2009 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 95-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Japp

AbstractSince 1995, the ancient city of Kibyra, situated in southwestern Turkey, has been investigated through historical, epigraphic and archaeological surveys. During the ceramic survey, an area inside the city was found where vessels with identical characteristics of surface and fabric were observed. This area is located in the northwestern part of the city close to the theatre. Together with numerous misfired pieces, these vessel fragments are suggestive of a potters' quarter. Based on historical evidence and ceramic comparisons, pottery production in Kibyra can be dated between the late Hellenistic and early Byzantine periods. Not only are the potters' quarter itself and the forms and types produced there of interest, but they also widen our knowledge of different ceramic production centres in the region of ancient Asia Minor. With the help of this material, archaeologists working on other sites will be able to recognise Kibyran pottery and provide us with information about trade connections between Kibyra and other regions.


Author(s):  
Robert Wiśniewski

Abstract This article seeks to count late-antique clergy and assess their workload. It estimates the number of clerics, and particularly presbyters, in Christian communities of various sizes, and investigates how and why the ratio of clerics to laypersons changed over time. First, by examining the situation in the city of Rome, it demonstrates that the growth in the ranks of the presbyters from the third to the fifth century was slow, and argues that this resulted from the competing interests of the bishops, lay congregation, rich donors, and above all the middle clergy. It is the last group who were reluctant to raise their number as this had a negative impact on their income. The results of this phenomenon can also be seen in other big sees of Christendom, in which, in Late Antiquity, there was one presbyter per several thousand laypersons. Interestingly, in smaller towns, this ratio was significantly lower, and in the countryside, it remained in the lower hundreds. Second, this article shows how the changing ratio of clerics to laypersons affected the level of professionalization of the former. In the big cities, the ecclesiastical duties of presbyters who served in a growing community were getting heavier. This turned the presbyters into full-time religious ministers, at the same time making them even more dependent on ecclesiastical income. In the towns and villages, however, the pattern was different. In the places in which one presbyter served a very small community, his job was less time-consuming but also brought him less income. In consequence, rural presbyters had to support their families through craft work, commerce, or farming, and they had time for this.


Author(s):  
Ergün Laflı ◽  
Maurizio Buora

This paper presents three formerly unpublished Byzantine lead seals and an amulet that were examined in the archaeological museum of Izmir (nos. 1, 3 and figs. 5a–b) and Akhisar (no. 2) in western Turkey. They date from the 7th to the 13th century AD. The seal of a Manuel apo hypaton (no. 1) reveals the relations between the court of Constantinople and the city of Smyrna in the 7th century AD. Another one of Ioannes hypatos spatharios (no. 2) comes from Akhisar (8th century AD). No. 3 is dated to the 11th and 12th centuries AD. A lead amulet at the appendix part (figs. 5a–b), which perhaps originates from the Early Byzantine period, bears the name of Sabaṓth.


1982 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Parke

Zosimus, after recording the foundation and immense growth of Constantinople, introduces a digression directed towards his purpose of justifying paganism against Christianity. ‘It has often indeed occurred to me to wonder how, when the city of the Byzantines has grown, so that no other can compare with it for prosperity and size, there was no prophecy delivered from the gods of our predecessors about its development to a better fortune. With this thought in mind I have turned over many volumes of histories and collections of oracles, and with difficulty I happened upon one oracle said to be of the Sibyl of Erythrae or of Phaennis of Epirus. (For she is said to have produced oracles when in a state of possession.) Nicomedes, the son of Prusias, put his confidence in this oracle, and interpreting it in an advantageous sense he took up war against his father, Prusias, at the persuasion of Attalus.’ Zosimus proceeds to quote twenty-one lines of hexameter verse, which have come down in a rather corrupt state, but of which the general sense is reasonably clear. They consist mainly of an obvious post eventum forecast of the Gallic invasion of Asia Minor in the third century B.C.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document