Privacy in Modern Industrial Society

1979 ◽  
pp. 22-36
Author(s):  
Edward Shils
Author(s):  
Sumit K. Majumdar

The chapter summarizes the nature of capital and capitalism. The chapter also highlights concepts related to the role of the State in economic activity, and the nature of industrial policy. The initial concepts dealt with are that of capital as a fund, capital as structure and capital as capabilities. Capitalism necessitates socially organizing production. Assessing organizational and administrative contingencies is important for understanding capitalism. Institutions are the bedrock of capitalism. The broad roles of Government, in designing laws and regulations, building infrastructure and acting as entrepreneur, are discussed. The implementation of national industrial strategies facilitates growth. The nature of industrial strategies is highlighted. Industrial policy activities, as defined by the three facets of institutions, innovation and involvement, are discussed. With respect to India’s industrial strategy, independent India’s founders’ visions of a modern industrial society, grounded in a need to involve Government in institution building, are introduced.


Numen ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Löwy

A referência decisiva para o pensamento religioso de Lukács não é o misticismo católico, judeu ou hindu, mas muito mais (como para todo o círculo Max Weber) a espiritualidade russa, e notadamente, Dostoiévski. Nessa época, Bloch e Lukács estavam fascinados pela literatura e filosofia religiosas russas, e o seu reino coletivista-religioso sobre a terra era concebido como “uma vida no espírito de Dostoiévski”3. Somente podemos compreender essa atração deles pela Rússia entre eles, assim como de os outros membros do círculo, através da sua repulsa contra o mundo individualista e seelenlos da sociedade industrial daEuropa ocidental.The decisive influence in Lukács’religious thought is not Catholic, Jewish or Hindu mysticism, but above all (as it was for all Mar Weber’s circle) Russian spirituality and, particularly, Dostoyevsky. In those times, Bloch and Lukács were fascinated by Russian religious literature and philosophy, and their religiously collectivist kingdom on earth was conceived as a “life in the spirit of Dostoyevsky”. We can only understand the attraction towards Russia among them, as well as among other members of the circle, if we have in mind their rejection of an individualistic world and the seelenlos of western modern industrial society.


Author(s):  
Paul Collier

The indignant tears of a child command attention. Daniel, aged eight, has just learned about the Brazilian rain forest and it has moved him to his first expression of political outrage. It is directed at me, not as his father, but as representative of the generation of adults who are destroying something precious before he reaches the age at which he can stop us. Through sobs and rage he shouts, “Tell the president!” Having seen me on television, Daniel has a somewhat inflated impression of my influence. Eight-year-olds are not, on the whole, always repositories of good sense, and Daniel is no exception. But by chance his anger is right on target: son and father are ethically aligned in the battleground of natural assets. First, the left flank. I agree with environmentalists that nature is special: at some level most of us recognize that. But why is it special? Mainstream environmentalists, such as Stewart Brand, offer one answer. Nature is especially vulnerable and that matters because, being dependent upon it, mankind is thereby vulnerable. But as Brand argues, many environmentalists are carrying ideological baggage that needs to be discarded. For romantic environmentalists nature is incommensurate with the mundane business of the economy: it is in some way ethically prior. Echoing Baron d’Holbach’s diagnosis of modern angst, they see industrial capitalism as having divorced us from the natural world which it is rapidly destroying. You can sense their discomfort with modern industrial society in the language that they use, replete with words such as “organic” and “holistic.” For a recent variation on the theme of Holbach, watch Prince Charles delivering the BBC’s 2009 distinguished Dimbleby Lecture. Perhaps man needs to return to a simpler, nonindustrial lifestyle. Prince Charles produces organic food, and he has created a village, Poundsbury, in the style of the eighteenth century—the last age prior to industrialization. At the extreme end of romantic environmentalism the diagnosis is more radical: mankind itself has become the enemy of what is truly good. Reflecting these sentiments, there is now a considerable cult that relishes the prospect of the extinction of mankind.


Author(s):  
Man-Fung Yip

This chapter considers how the (male) action bodies in martial arts cinema of the late 1960s and 1970s, posed between mastery and vulnerability, served as a site/sight through which the aspirations and anxieties of Hong Kong people living in the flux of a rapidly modernizing society were articulated and made visible. Specifically, it identifies three types of action body—the narcissistic body, the sacrificial body, and the ascetic body—and discusses how each crystallized out of the changing social and ideological dynamics of Hong Kong during the period. As socially symbolic signs, these diverse but interrelated representations of the body are extremely rich in meanings, inscribing within themselves not only fantasies of nationalist pride and liberated labor but also the historical experience of violence, in the form of both colonization and unbridled growth, that lay beneath the transformation of Hong Kong into a modern industrial society.


1961 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Edward R. Tannenbaum

The Action Française was the most notorious reactionary movement in twentieth-century France. From the Dreyfus Affair to the fall of the Vichy Regime it carried on its campaign against “the principles of 789”, which many Frenchmen (and other Western Europeans) mistakenly blamed for the “evils” of modern industrial society. But it represented neither the frustrated lower-middle classes that were attracted to fascism, nor the genteel bien-pensants who pined for the good old days” under Louis XVI or Charles X. Its leaders were café intellectuals who flaunted their newly acquired devotion to the monarchy and the church. They were professional nativists clamoring or a return to the traditional virtues of a golden age that never insisted. Their utopia was a highly intellectualized daydream invented by charles Maurras.


1971 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 563
Author(s):  
Willam D. Heffernan ◽  
John Child

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