role of the state
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2022 ◽  
pp. 85-99
Author(s):  
Charlotte Barlow ◽  
Sandra Walklate

2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeyen Novita ◽  
Wafiratulaela Wafiratulaela ◽  
Pandu Nur Wicaksono ◽  
Muammar Taufiqi Lutfi Mustofa ◽  
Wann Nurdiana Sari ◽  
...  

One of the processes carried out by the government and the community to manage existing resources through collaboration between the government and the private sector is one of the meanings of economic development. This is done in the context of creating job opportunities as well as efforts to encourage economic growth in a region. Thus, it is important for the government and the community to play a role in solving macroeconomic problems. The final objective of this research is to analyze in depth the concept of the three-sector economy, the rationality of the role of government and society, the scope of the government's role, government policy instruments and an overview of al-hisbah. This study uses a literature study where information is obtained through a collection of books, a collection of scientific works, several theses, encyclopedias, a little information from the internet and even other sources. Research shows that in the economy three sectors are played by 3 roles including households, companies and the government. The rationality of the government's role is based on the consequences of collective obligations, and the failure of the market to realize falah. The analysis of the government's role includes: the role of allocation, distribution, stabilization, the role of the state in overcoming externalities and the role of the state related to the implementation of Islamic morality. There are also three policies that cover, among others: fiscal policy, monetary policy, and supply-side policy. Some basic thinking about the role of society consists of the consequences of fardhu kifayah, the existence of public property rights and the failure of the market and government. While hisbah is an institution controlled by the government through individual efforts specifically assigned to solve problems related to the moral, religious and economic fields.


2022 ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
N. E. Petrovskaya

The article presents a study of human development in the United States. The dynamics of public expenditure on “human resources” is shown. An analysis is made of the changes in the US Human Development Index rankings, showing how they have evolved over the past 30 years. Data are provided on the components of the Index: life expectancy, educational attainment and gross national income per capita. The evolution of the Human Development Index is considered, and a new experimental Index, adjusted for planetary load, is presented. Data on the US labour force structure is given. The key mechanisms created in the US that allow the country to have a very high Human Development Index, are shown. In the case of Russia, the study shows the key role of the state in shaping and developing human potential. 


Author(s):  
Karsten Schubert

"Biopolitics" has become a popular concept for interpreting the COVID-19 pandemic, yet the term is often used vaguely, as a buzzword, and therefore loses its specificity and relevance. This article systematically explains what the biopolitical lens offers for analyzing and normatively criticizing the politics of the coronavirus. I argue that biopolitics are politics of differentiated vulnerability that are intrinsic to capitalist modernity. The situation resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic is, therefore, less of a state of exception than it might appear; COVID-19 is a continuation and intensification of the capitalist biopolitics of differentiated vulnerability. In order to critically evaluate this situation, the article proposes the concept of "democratic biopolitics" and shows how it can be used, among others, for a queer critique of the differentiated vulnerabilities that are produced by the coronavirus and its capitalist governance. In contrast to widespread interpretations of democratic biopolitics that focus on collective care in communities, this article highlights the role of the state and of the redistribution of political power and economic resources as key for biopolitical democratization.


2022 ◽  
pp. 095968012110625
Author(s):  
Marius R Busemeyer ◽  
Martin B Carstensen ◽  
Patrick Emmenegger

Liberalization poses significant challenges for the continued provision of collective goods within coordinated market economies (CME). Extant scholarship suggests two dominant sets of responses. Either CMEs continue to rely on employer coordination, but only for a privileged core, leading to dualization. Or, in cases where the state enjoys high capacity, the state instead compensates for liberalization but ends up crowding out employer coordination. In both cases, the result is decreasing employer coordination. We argue that in CMEs, the state may also play the role of “orchestrator” by supporting the revitalization of employer coordination. It does so through the deployment of ideational and institutional resources that mobilize employers’ associations on a voluntary basis. Applying our framework to a core area of coordinated capitalism, vocational education and training, we show that in both Germany and Switzerland, this indirect and soft form of state intervention was instrumental for turning around their crisis-stricken vocational training systems.


2022 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark F. Hau

Issues related to anthropogenic climate change such as global warming, fossil fuel emissions, and renewable energy have emerged as some of the most important and pertinent political questions today. While the role of the state in the Anthropocene has been explored in academia, there is a severe dearth of research on the relationship between climate change and nationalism, especially at the sub-state level. This paper builds on the concept of “green nationalism” among sub-state nationalist parties in European minority nations. Using a multimodal analysis of selected European Free Alliance (EFA) campaign posters from the past 30 years, the article explores an extensive “frame bridging” where minority nationalist political actors actively seek to link environmental issues to autonomy. Although there is an apparent continuity in minority nationalist support for green policies, earlier initiatives focused on preservation of local territory while EFA parties today frame climate change as a global challenge that requires local solutions, which only they can provide. The frame bridging between territorial belonging and progressive politics has lead to the emergence of an environmentally focused, minority nationalist agenda that advocates for autonomy in order to enact more ambitious green policies, or “green nationalism”. This shows that nationalism in the right ideological environment can be a foundation for climate action, as minority nationalist actors base their environmentally focused agenda to address the global climate crisis precisely on their nationalist ideology.


Daedalus ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 151 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-37
Author(s):  
Paul Butler

Abstract When violence occurs, the state has an obligation to respond to and reduce the impacts of it; yet often the state originates, or at least contributes to, the violence. This may occur in a variety of ways, including through the use of force by police, pretrial incarceration at local jails, long periods of incarceration in prisons, or abuse and neglect of people who are incarcerated. This essay explores the role of the state in responding to violence and how it should contribute to reducing violence in communities, as well as in its own operations. Finally, it explores what the future of collaboration between state actors and the community looks like and offers examples of successful power-sharing and co-producing of safety between the state and the public.


2022 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Zahid Ullah

Pakistan is depicted as a victim as well as a sponsor of terrorism. The reason behind this characterisation is that Pakistan, since its inception in 1947, has experienced multifaceted violence, ranging from ethnic insurgencies to sectarian violence. At the same time, it has been blamed for fomenting violence in its neighbours. On the one hand, there have been anti-terrorism laws in place since the late 1990s; on the other, there is an Islamised public sphere that provides fecund soil for violent extremists to thrive. The questions to be addressed here are: What kinds of anti-terrorism laws exist in Pakistan and how effective are they against terrorism? What is the role of the state-managed curriculum in providing a conducive environment for the growth of violent extremism? This research appeals to the “garrison state” theory, which explains how “the specialists on violence” control every aspect of the state, complemented by the concept of “fragmented hegemony,” which explains how the seemingly corrupt multiple sites of power help the state maintain its hegemony over society.


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