A Sociocultural History of Alcoholics Anonymous

Author(s):  
Harrison M. Trice ◽  
William J. Staudenmeier
1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Poikolainen

Alcoholism as a specific disease was discovered about 200 years ago in North America. The disease is thought to be characterized by loss of control over drinking and by certain “symptoms,” supposed to occur in a typical order during the “natural” history of the disease. The basic assumptions of the disease model are, however, untenable. Despite this, the model is still viable. There are at least four reasons for this: (1) The medical profession, originally against the conception of alcoholism as a disease, has been made to accept the disease concept, (2) Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) strongly believes in the disease ideology, (3) the disease model may relieve the moral stigma attached to socially unacceptable drinking, and (4) societies in which individual rights are highly esteemed prefer self-control to collective control. The benefits and disadvantages of the disease model should be reconsidered.


2000 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven W. Finlay

Alcoholics Anonymous is probably the most influential self-help organization in the world, with a current worldwide membership approaching 2 million. The origin of the organization has ties to Carl Gustav Jung and William James, 2 very prominent figures in the history of psychology. A brief history of the events that led to the formation of Alcoholics Anonymous is presented, with particular emphasis on the influence of Jung and James. An account of relevant life events of both Jung and James is provided, in addition to a summary of their views on alcoholism and its treatment. Speculation is offered on how the 2 men might view their unsolicited association with the organization.


Author(s):  
Paulo Cruz Terra ◽  
Marcelo de Souza Magalhães

The city of Rio de Janeiro underwent profound changes between 1870 and the early 20th century. Its population grew dramatically, attracting migrants not only from abroad but also from other regions of Brazil. It also expanded significantly in size, as the construction of trolley and railway lines and the introduction of real estate capital powered the occupation of new areas. Meanwhile, urban reforms aimed at modernization transformed the social ways in which urban space was used. During this period, Rio de Janeiro went from being the capital of the Brazilian Empire to being the capital of the Brazilian Republic. It nevertheless maintained its position as the cultural, political-administrative, commercial, and financial center of the country. Against this backdrop of change, the city was an important arena for the political struggles that marked the period, including demonstrations in favor of abolition and the republic. Rio de Janeiro’s citizens were not inert during this period of transformation, and they found various ways to take action and fight for what they understood to be their rights. Protests, demands, petitions, and a vibrant life organized around social and political associations are examples of the broad repertoire used by the city’s inhabitants to gain a voice in municipal affairs. Citizens’ use of public demands and petitions as a channel to communicate with the authorities, and especially with city officials, shows that while they did not necessarily shun formal politics, they understood politics to be a sphere for dialogue and dispute. The sociocultural history of Rio de Janeiro during this period was therefore built precisely through confrontations and negotiations in which the common people played an active role.


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