A Power Shift Underway in Europe? China’s Relationship with Central and Eastern Europe Under the Belt and Road Initiative

Author(s):  
Dragan Pavlićević
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Feifei Xue ◽  
Xiaoyong He ◽  
Wenzhi Hao ◽  
Jiajia Qin ◽  
Jiaxu Chen

Along with the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) is increasingly used and attracts more interest in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). As an important bridge between different cultures, translation plays a major role in promoting TCM in CEE. However, there are some problems in the translation process hindering further promotion of TCM theories and culture in CEE. First of all, the English translations of TCM classics and textbooks lack universally accepted standards, and the quality of TCM text translation is low. Secondly, TCM translators lack sufficient training in TCM knowledge. Also, the translation of TCM materials lacks cultural connotation. Through analyzing the current problems of TCM translation in CEE, this study proposed three suggestions: strengthening the exchange between the government and experts, regulating the translation of TCM textbooks, and strengthening the training of TCM translators.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bieliński ◽  
Magdalena Markiewicz ◽  
Ewa Oziewicz

The main aim of the article was to analyze the motives behind the FDI decisions of Chinese companies’ capital engagement in Central and Eastern Europe. The article examines the applicability of existing theoretical concepts towards Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). Chinese OFDI patterns have been found to be consistent with Dunning’s investment development path (IDP) theory, but research shows that OFDI to CEE countries is additionally driven by specific motives different than in other regions. The study has proved that one of the major purposes is to get access to the EU common market. Additionally, data analysis has revealed that CEE countries that are not part of the EU attract proportionally more Chinese FDI than those that have easier access to EU funds.


World Affairs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 184 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Emilian Kavalski

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) used to be quite buoyant about benefiting from China’s economic largesse. A little over a year ago, China’s cooperation with the region was brandished as a real feather in China’s foreign policy cap. Today, however, the China-CEE cooperation appears to be done with. This development has led many to question whether the China-CEE cooperation has become a victim of the COVID-19 pandemic. The answer provided here is: no, not at all! Most CEE states have been mulling a freeze in their participation for quite some time. In this respect, the pandemic has only accelerated the social distancing of CEE countries from China. The study suggests that the unrequited romance of China with the CEE region has important implications both for the country’s public diplomacy and the post-pandemic trajectories of the Belt and Road Initiative.


2019 ◽  
pp. 647-654
Author(s):  
Viktor Konstantynov

The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Emilian Kavalski

The Central and East European (CEE) region is often overlooked in the conversations on contemporary geopolitics. Yet, owing to China’s growing relations in the CEE countries, the region has been subject to increasing international attention. By process tracing the development of the ‘17 + 1’ mechanism, this article offers a brief overview of Sino-CEE relations. Situated within the broader Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the ‘17 + 1’ has provided a unique regional arrangement for extending Chinese influence in the CEE countries. This article explores whether there is something else than the instrumental economic reasoning for the willingness of CEE countries to partner with China. The analysis detects three distinct (and not always complementary) strategic narratives, motivating the participation of CEE states in the ‘17 + 1’ mechanism. The study concludes with an enquiry on China’s preparedness to respond to such identity geopolitics not only in the CEE region but also throughout the vast expanse covered by the BRI initiative.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Xinpeng Xu ◽  
Xun Li ◽  
Fuxia Gao

The “Belt and Road” initiative (BRI) enhances the cooperation between China and countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), and expands the scale of China-invested enterprises in CEE countries continuously. But it also results in the increase in investment risks. Meanwhile, large differences between the international labor market and the domestic employment environment have led to the inadaptability of some enterprises’ overseas employment policies, triggering many labor disputes, and producing adverse effects on their overseas business expansion. To resolve the problems, this paper attempts to study the measures to prevent labor employment risks using fuzzy inference system for China-invested enterprises in CEE. For this, it performs analysis for the scale, structure, labor quality, wages and benefits, and labor law system of labor employment in CEE countries, and proposes to prevent and resolve the labor employment risks by strengthening government labor cooperation, familiarizing with local labor law systems, and respecting local management culture etc.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-31
Author(s):  
Emilian Kavalski

The Central and East European (CEE) part of the Eurasian landmass is often overlooked in the conversations on contemporary geopolitics. Yet, owing to China’s investment in the CEE countries, the region has been subject to growing strategic attention. This article offers a brief overview of the history of this relationship by focusing on the “16+1” mechanism. Nestled within the broader Belt and Road Initiative, the “16+1” has provided a unique regional arrangement for extending Chinese influence in the sixteen CEE countries. The article inquires whether there is something else than the instrumental economic reasoning for the willingness of CEE countries to partner with China. The analysis detects four distinct (and mutually exclusive) strategic narratives motivating the participation of CEE states in the “16+1” mechanism. The study concludes with an enquiry on China’s preparedness to respond to such identity geopolitics not only in the CEE region, but throughout the vast expanse covered by the BRI initiative.


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