Modeling the long-term variability of phytoplankton functional groups and primary productivity in the South China Sea

2013 ◽  
Vol 69 (5) ◽  
pp. 527-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wentao Ma ◽  
Fei Chai ◽  
Peng Xiu ◽  
Huijie Xue ◽  
Jun Tian
2016 ◽  
Vol 72 (5) ◽  
pp. 707-726 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong-Ngu T. Huynh ◽  
Aida Alvera-Azcárate ◽  
Alexander Barth ◽  
Jean-Marie Beckers

1999 ◽  
Vol 44 (13) ◽  
pp. 1232-1237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhong Chen ◽  
Liangmin Huang ◽  
Xia Tu ◽  
Fan Zheng

PAGES news ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pinxian Wang ◽  
Jun Tian ◽  
Xinrong Cheng

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Phuong Hoang

The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.


2020 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 101815 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhen Li ◽  
Vera Pospelova ◽  
Hiroshi Kawamura ◽  
Chuanxiu Luo ◽  
Kenneth Neil Mertens ◽  
...  

Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1019-1042 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Scott

Abstract In the South China Sea dispute, some Track-2 settings, along with Track-1 efforts by ASEAN and China, have facilitated some conflict “management.” But they have not brought about conflict “resolution” of the basic sovereignty and control issues. Conflict “irresolution” has ensued instead. Short-term balancing may perhaps generate long-term socialization convergence.


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